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Cezary z Arles wobec paenitentia secunda w VI wieku
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II, 2020)
Wydaje się, że wezwania Cezarego, biskupa Arles, dotyczące przystępowania wiernych do pokuty kanonicznej, odznaczały się wyczuciem wiernych oraz ich realnych możliwości. Systematyczne zaostrzanie norm pokuty publicznej, podejmowane przez kolejne synody galijskie i jej legalistyczne traktowanie, doprowadziło do kryzysu tej praktyki w Kościele Galii w 1. połowie VI wieku. Cezary, przestrzegając w swym nauczaniu norm oficjalnej pokuty kanonicznej, zaakceptował jednak zwyczaj zdecydowanej większości wiernych, którzy odkładali pokutę publiczną na ostatnie chwile życia. Wzywał ich natomiast do podjęcia wysiłku w wierze i do stałego nawracania się. Pokutowanie przez całe życie stało się w jego nauczaniu synonimem chrześcijańskiej metanoi. W ten sposób wierni stale mogli się przygotowywać do owocnego podjęcia pokuty kanonicznej, podejmowanej zwyczajowo pod koniec życia. Zachęty Cezarego pozostały jednak bezskuteczne, skoro Kolumban i jego bracia, kiedy pojawili się w Galii na początku VII wieku, nie spotkali się z praktyką pokuty kanonicznej w tamtejszym Kościele.
Duszpasterstwo w Kościele Zachodnim w VI wieku. Zarys problematyki
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II, 2011)
In the western catholic church of the sixth century we can observe some crucial changes in attitude to the pastoral care of the previous centuries. The Catechumenal way of Christian formation practically disappeared. A ritual catechumenate as a direct preparation for baptism emerged instead. Mainly children were baptized in the 6th century. The preaching became a general catechesis directed towards the formal teaching of frequently half-converted Christians as exemplified by Cesarius of Arles or the admonitions Gregory the Great. The local church was dependent upon the social support of the German sovereigns. Gregory the Great developed St. Augustines thesis of social classes and created specific class division, ie. preacher (suzerain), friar and spouses (laity). On this basis the established early feudal structure consisted of preachers (ruling), friars and spouses (laity). In the 6th century parishes depended on local secular authorities. The Concordat of Worms in 1222 brought to an end this political intrusion upon local parishes. Peasant farmers (colons) and "servi glebae" made up the larger part of parish worshippers in the 6th century. The pastoral care was concentrated on a liturgical celebration and the preaching of a moralizing catechesis. During this time the veneration of local saints became widely established. The plague of alcoholism and those still existing local pagan cults also constituted important tasks. From this time up to the Vaticanum Secundum, there disappeared the holding sacred of all the baptized by the power of the confessed faith and the baptism. It seems that in the 6th century the sacramental, dogmatic and pastoral essence of the Church slowly faded. Only the second half of the 20th century finally brought the solution to this long-lasting crisis.
Idea ubóstwa w Kościele pierwszych trzech wieków
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II w Krakowie, 2010)
Neither contemporary historical-critical analysis nor theological biases of the New Testaments allowed us to regard the Consecrated Life as a reveled one. Jesus is not named directly “poor” in the Gospel. The Christian institution of consecrated poverty is an theological creation constituted by ascetic analysis of some Jesus words and attitudes. According to the NT the “poor” are those which receive freely given salvation and live in community of Redeemer disciples. In the early Church didn't exist unambiguous model of poverty yet. It caused different ascetic interpretations of the possession and use of material goods: the naturalistic approach, begging in the name of God, the existence thanks to apostolic work, apostolate and paid work, renunciation of private possession and life in the Christian community. The idea of radical renunciation of possession didn’t exist in that early patristic period of the Church. The majority of people converted to Christianity originated from poor social class. The only distinction was that Christians believed in the Kingdom of God and hoped of better eternal life. Since the 4th century the passage of the Cor. 8, 9 had been referred to the idea of Christ’s perfect poverty in its soteriological interpretation. God in His Incarnated Son humbled Himself so that the man may receive God and return to God.
Józef Pochwat MS, „Misterium iniquitatis”. Studium tajemnicy nieprawości w dziełach Jana Kasjana (360–435), Kraków 2012, 383 s.
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II, 2013)
Kapłaństwo w starożytności chrześcijańskiej (I-VII w.) – zarys zagadnienia
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II, 2009)
The title “priest” isn’t attached to any Christian ministry in the text of the New Testament Books. The early Christian ministry was not a continuation of the Jewish priesthood. In the New Testament we can followed the development of the Christology (Hbr) and Ecclesiology of priesthood (1 Pt and Apocalypse). The early Christians focused first on the redemptive event of Jesus Christs Sacrifice and Jesus as the Mediator of the new covenant. Later only the ministries and priests ceremonies developed. The New Testament handed over the title of priest, which should be understood as a service in Christ (diakonia in Christo). The earliest Judeo-Christian communities (the 1st and 2nd century) were governed by the presbyters while the ethno-Christians had the ministry of the έπίσκοποι καί διάκονοι. The fusion of these two traditions in the 2nd and 3rd century resulted in the monarchic priesthood, which developed the tripartite structure of bishops, presbyters and deacons. The first efforts to regulate the issue of priesthood appeared in the 4th century. The authors of the Western Church emphasized the dignity and sancticity of the priesthood, which resulted from the function and the object of the priesthood itself. At the same time the Eastern Church em phasized the Mystery of Incarnation as the unique source of the sancticity and dignity of priesthood. From the theological point of view the medieval theology received the tripartite structure of the Church and the tendency to the sacralisation and sacerdotalisation of the priests office. The approach was markedly different as regard i.e.: the sacred, cultic, and ministerial, the origin of the theology of the bishops collegiality and the theology of the Peters Ministry.
Konwersja na chrześcijaństwo plemion germańskich od IV do IX w.
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2010)
The process of assuming Christianity by those Germanic tribes that entered the western part of the Roman Empire began in the second half of the second century and lasted until the ninth. Their conversion to Christianity occurred in two stages. First, those peoples followed the Aryan kind of Christianity and later the Catholic one. The early missionaries to Germanic peoples were Christians who had been captured in Asia Minor. However, the most important Germanic mission emerged from the Germanic peoples themselves, i.e. from the Visigoths, who instilled Aryanism into their kinsfolk. During the fifth century, as Germanic tribes were settled within the Empire, they were romanized and eventually converted to Roman Catholicism. The Franks were the first numerous Germanic tribe to be converted to Catholicism from their native tribal religion in 498. Since then they began “frankisation” and conversion to Catholicism of the tribes they captured. The Catholic Church, deeply attached to the idea of Romanitas, was not interested in the conversion of Germanic tribes to Catholicism any more. Only after Gregory the Great (540-604) was elected Pope, a Catholic Benedictine mission was established among the Anglo-Saxon tribes. Parallel to that a mission of Irish monks came into being. The formal conversion of the Germanic tribes who entered Imperium Romanum Pars Occident to Catholicism resulted from the monastic activity on the one hand and the Church-State model of evangelization on the other.
Kryteria przynależności do wspólnoty wierzących w I-II wieku
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Papieskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Krakowie, 2008)
The Christian Church in the 1st and 2nd century was already conscious of being a community of believers. The criteria of membership developed gradually and frequently only incidentally. Consequently it is still too early to say of a developed problem orthodoxy/orthopraxis or heterodoxy/heteropraxis. The basic 2nd century criteria of being a member of Christian Church in and out were as follows: belief in Jesus Christ corroborated by baptism, a sincere will of belonging to the Church of true believers in Christ, and a duty to live in agreement with the high moral standards. If a Christian man or woman broke the principles observed by the community, he/she was successively removed from the Church society of the faithful, and had to remain out of the Church until he/she again converted to the true faith. The similarities between the Christian excommunication and Jewish herem are clearly visible. A heterodoxy was regarded as sinful (a lack of unity with the church) and consequently must have been a painful experience of isolation from one another on both sides, orthodox and heterodox.
Metafory konceptualne wyrażające wiarę w życie wieczne w tekstach reprezentatywnych ojców Kościoła zachodniego
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II, 2021)
Analizowane w artykule metafory konceptualne, które wyrażają wiarę w życie wieczne, są oddawane jako archetypy pozytywne. Zarówno metafory przestrzenne, jak i metafory ontologiczne są wiodącymi schematami wyobrażeniowymi dotyczącymi miejsc nadprzyrodzonych czy cech tych miejsc. Rozważane metafory tworzyły uniwersalny język chrześcijański, a przez swą obrazowość angażowały wyobraźnię wiernych, wzbogacając uczuciowe reakcje czytelnika na przekaz teologiczny dotyczący tematyki nieba i wieczności.
Michał Kieling, Rola Pisma Świętego i „artes liberales” w kształtowaniu nauk teologicznych i świeckich według Kasjodora, Uniwersytet Adama Mickiewicza, Wydział Teologiczny, Studia i Materiały 141, Poznań 2011, 261 s.
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II, 2014)
Między symbolem a figurą. Źródła myśli teologicznej Paulina z Noli
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Papieskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Krakowie, 2004)
The essential purpose of Paulinian search for wisdom is Christ. The article discusses the sources of Paulinus’s thinking, with a consideration of the Biblical roots and the earlier philosophical Greek tradition that inspired him. Having accept a radical asceticism, it is certain that he rejected pagan sources such as philosophers and ancient historians. The Scriptures are decisively the real source of his theological thought. In all his written works about 2800 quotations and allusions to the Scriptures can be found, of which 1450 quotations and allusions refer to the New Testament.
Monastic Exegesis and the Biblical Typology of Monasticism in the Patristic Period
Kasprzak, Dariusz (The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Krakow, 2014)
Monastic exegesis of the Bible in the Patristic period was characterized by ascetic pragmatism, reminiscence and meditation of the canonical text and at the same time its extra-verbal literal and spiritual interpretation. The consequence of such a manner of reading the text of the Bible was to acknowledge the monastic way of life as the royal path (via regia) and the monk as the one possessing certain spiritual knowledge and living faith. Systematic ignoring of the original Hebrew text by ancient monks, as well as by the Fathers of the Church, in using literal – spiritual and anagogical exegesis led to every biblical text being understood in a spiritual manner, i.e. as a text leading a monk to salvation. The biblical typologies of the monastic life also started to be derived from the theological rule of the Testaments. Those typologies resulted from the formerly adopted Christocentric theological premise assuming that the whole Bible tells about Christ and leads to Christ. They were the spiritual interpretation of the biblical text and were aimed at accounting for monasticism as the biblical form of life.
Ojcostwo duchowe w myśli patrystycznej – zarys zagadnienia
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II, 2016)
W Biblii oraz w pierwotnej tradycji chrześcijańskiej (I–III wiek) nie spotykamy opisów praktycznego prowadzenia duchowego. Jako ćwiczenie duchowe ojcostwo duchowe powstało dopiero w IV wieku wśród mnichów egipskich. Celem podstawowym tej praktyki było znalezienie sposobu na własne zbawienie, zaś celami doraźnymi były: dojście do dojrzałości chrześcijańskiej, przejawiającej się w duchu rozeznania siebie, osiągnięcie kontemplacji, wewnętrznego spokoju i apathei. Wiodącym wątkiem formacyjnym w ojcostwie duchowym u omawianych mnichów było dzielenie się osobistymi przeżyciami duchowymi, szczególnie istotna była zaś praktyka wyjawiania swych myśli.
Oryginalność kultu Maryi z Nazaretu na tle kultów Wielkiej Matki (prahistoria, mity, kulty historyczne Bogini-Dziewicy i Bogini-Matki)
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II, 2011)
By employing theology, history, archeology, study of religions and psychoanalysis I have tried to describe the theological originality of the cult of Mary from Nazareth against a background of the different cults of the Great Mother. I referred to many branches of science in order to provide a thorough investigation of the problem. Different ranges of meaning learned from many approaches to that question however, resulted in theological explanation. If we compare the prehistoric cult of womanhood in the religions of the great Mother with Marian veneration it is clearly visible that St Mary was never worshipped as a Christian personification of fertility or regarded as a Christian Earth Mother, or Mother that planted seeds. She was never connected with any cyclic vegetation, fecundity or the rhythm of birth and death cult. As the obedient servant, Mary from Nazareth found Her liturgical cult, which reminds believers of God’s work of salvation. The Virgin Mary was never venerated as a dual-sexed deity or connected with any vegetation cult. Mary from Nazareth is adored as an historic person, the earthly M other of the Incarnated Word. From a sociological point of view, matriarchy isn’t an essential feature of Christianity. For that reason woman isn’t the embodiment of the deity. Christians venerate the Virgin Mary as the earthly Mother of the Incarnated Word i.e. Mother of the Second Person of the Trinity. She was an obedient servant of the Lord and was never venerated as a deity. In Christianity, St. Mary didn’t present the primary supernatural, physical or magical power as it was in the religious of Bronze Age. The Collyridians episode which worshipped Mary, Mother of Jesus as goddess was an isolated sectarian movement existing on the outskirts of Christianity in the 4lh century. Apart from the Collyridians heresy, the drift to female priesthood never existed in Christianity as it did in the religions of Great Mother (Vestal Virgins) or in the cults of Fertility Goddesses (priestess of Ishtar or Aphrodite). It is impossible to find any links or parallels between ancient mythological goddesses and the Marian cult. St Mary unlike in the womanhood cult of the Bronze Age was a divine protector of love or fertility. If the cult of St Mary is clearly connected with motherhood it has in no way a sexual aspect. Her veneration points at the timeless female features of the virgin and mother common to all mankind. For Christians, the pagan cults of goddesses were regarded as cults of demonic idolatry. They were definitely condemned by the Old Testament judges and prophets and rejected entirely by Church Fathers. Theodosius the Great officially banned all forms of pagan cults (edict of 392). Certainly some external pagan rituals existed in the gestures and practices of inhabitants of the Roman Empire, which were only partially converted Christians, following numerous conversions to Christianity after 313. Christian veneration of Mary from Nazareth as the Virgin Mary and Mother of God is an original, autonomous cult. The veneration of St. Mary is subordinated to the superlative cult of God. Mary from Nazareth is not a God but a human being who fulfills a substantial role in the historical acts of Salvation prepared by God. She was never connected with any cosmic force .She has never performed any ritual magical practices to get in touch with a deity. By her free, permanent choice of God she bore utter moral responsibility. As a creation of God and the first made in Jesus Christ image, she first attained salvation. The Message of the Church concerning Maria from Nazareth didn’t use an acontextual, mythical language because it isn’t an universal religious myth but is the Churchs’ catechesis on the historical events. Mary from Nazareth is an historical person. With the mythological virgin-mother goddesses, St. Mary shares the common symbol of womanhood but only on the linguistic and anthropological layer of significance. The Marian cult isn’t a continuation of any previous pagan cult of goddesses. It is impossible because of the Christian doctrine - it would be idolatry. There is no historical evidence supporting such a supposition. Iconography doesn’t afford proofs also. The Marian cult and the ancient cults of the goddesses are doctrinally divergent and theologically incoherent. There is no historical continuity or coherence between them.
Problematyka cnoty ubóstwa w Kościele zachodnim początków VI wieku. Na przykładzie tzw. Reguły Mistrza (Reguła Magistri)
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II w Krakowie, 2009)
Undoubtedly the spreading of the cenobites ideal generated the radicalization of approach to the issue of possession and use of material goods in the 6th century Western Church. This realistic perspective which was already stabilized opinion in fourth-fifth century theology has been slowly fading. Private ownership was allowed for feudal lords but for ordinary people or monks it was simply the wickedness. Monastic spirituality in the “Regula Magistri” called for ridding oneself of possession. Ordinary monks hadn’t any property of their own. The only one owner in the abbey was living abbot. He managed all material goods and divided them among all the monks in his abbey. Monks shouldn’t find any pleasure in material goods because the only support that never fails is God. To reach Heaven should be the only monks’ desire. It seems, that, the trend to concentrate jurisdiction over the entire abbey’s property in the abbot’s power resulted from Roman civil law. Abbot managed the cloisters’ property in a way of corporative possession administration.
Problematyka grzechu, wiary i usprawiedliwienia w augustyńskich komentarzach do Listu do Rzymian
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Papieskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Krakowie, 2005)
St. Augustine wrote two commentaries on St. Paul's Letter to Romans: in Carthage, in June 394 he wrote Expositio quarumdam propositionum ex Epistola ad Romanos (Commentary on Statements in the Letter of Paul to the Romans). In the other one St. Augustine analyzed The Letter to the Romans in Hippo in 395 in the so called Epistolae ad Romanos inchoata Expositio (Unfinished Commentary on the Letter to Romans). The article presents Augustine's view on sin, faith and justification as he sees them in Paul, against Manichees. The characteristic teaching of these treatises is the four stages of the history of salvation: ante legem, sub lege, sub gratia and in pace (Expositio quarumdam). These stages, Augustine argues, correspond both to the periods of human history and to the steps in spiriual development of an individual believer. Unable not to sin the sinner's sub lege can nonetheless freely choose to implore Christ's aid. “Grace” and "peace" are themselves nothing other than God's gift of the Spirit, which is given for all sinners so that they might be released from sin and in this way be reconciled with God. What sin then is unpardonable? It is despair. “Continuing in wickedness and maliciousness with despair of the kindness and mercy of God” (Inochata expositio). To despair is to resist God's gift of the Holy Spirit, which brings grace and peace, reconciling the sinner with God. If the sinner dispairs of forgiveness, he will continue to sin, and so never be forgiven.
Recenzja: Wiesław Block, Vivere il Vangelo. Temi e figure della fraternità minoritica, EDB, Bologna 2013, ss. 382
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II, 2014)
Romuald Henryk Kośla OFM, Jan Duns Szkot. Jego dzieło i myśl od początku XX wieku do dzisiaj, Wydawnictwo UNUM, Kraków 2011, 328 s.
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II, 2012)
„Rozeznawanie duchów” (διάκρισις) według św. Doroteusza z Gazy (505–560/580)
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Papieskiego Jana Pawła II, 2020)
Opis ojcostwa duchowego z jego naczelną władzą „rozeznawania duchów”, jaki znajdujemy w tekstach św. Doroteusza z monasteru Thawatha pod Gazą, nie prowadził do absolutyzowania tej ascetycznej władzy. Przewodnictwo duchowe ojca nie znosiło odpowiedzialności indywidualnego ucznia. Duchowa władza rozeznawania reprezentowana przez ojca duchowego winna dopomóc uczniowi we właściwym kształtowaniu sumienia i wspomagać go w samym procesie rozpoznawania tego, co się Bogu podoba. Rady ojca duchowego, jakie następowały po „ujawnianiu myśli” przez ucznia, miały pomóc temu uczniowi w stanowczym odrzuceniu złych myśli. Poprzez stopniowe wyrzekanie się własnej woli, oparte na duchowym posłuszeństwie ojcu duchowemu jako przewodnikowi w wierze, mnisi z Thawatha stopniowo wyrywali się spod władzy namiętności. Znamienne są również warunki postulowane przez Doroteusza jako konieczne dla samego rozeznawania: łagodność i pokora, odrzucenie postawy samousprawiedliwienia się i przyjęcie skruchy oraz ustawiczna walka z namiętnościami. Postawy te winny się kształtować nie tylko u mnichów, ale i u każdego, kto „przez najpokorniejsze życie stara się jednoczyć z Bogiem”.
The allegorical sense of Gregory the Great’s commentary on the Song of Songs
Kasprzak, Dariusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Papieskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Krakowie, 2012)
Gregory the Great in his “Expositio in Canticis Canticorum”, created between the years 594 or 595 and 598, ends the patristic tradition of allegorical commentaries on Sg. We are not in the possession of the complete text of Gregory’s commentary, as the text of the Pope’s interpretations finishes at Sg 1 : 8. The text of the commentary as we have it at present shows some signs of a revision made by Gregory I himself and has features characteristic of the original oral version of the text. The comparative study of Origen’s and Gregory’s commentaries shows that Pope Gregory I was familiar with Origen’s homilies and commentary on Sg and used his writings while working on his own text, but only sparingly. Gregory I undoubtedly took from Origen the general approach, some phrases, and at times the way in which exegesis of a certain extract was executed. Gregory discussed the biblical text in accordance with the principles of intellectual, parenetic and pastoral interpretation. The primary interest of the Pope was to extract the spiritual-mystical meaning of the text, and the allegorical interpretation is supposed to help man read the biblical text so that he can love God and follow Him. The allegorical reading of Sg, and actually of the whole Bible as well, should consequently kindle the love of God in man and fill him with thoughts of God. Gregory I recommends a spiritual-ascetic reading of the Bible: the reader is supposed to change his habits for the better, be able to alienate himself ascetically from the surrounding world, and in this way acquire contemplation of Godly matters.
The Theological Principles Underlying. Augustine’s “City of God”
Kasprzak, Dariusz (The Pontifical University of John Paul II in Krakow, 2013)
In his treatise the City of God Augustine intended to show that the pagans anti-Christian charges blaming the Christians for the fall of Rome were unsubstantiated and that it was in Christianity that they could find the solution to many of their own moral and religious problems. The Bishop of Hippo wanted also to equip Christians with the appropriate arguments to refute pagan charges and to make them rejoice in the plan for the Salvation of humankind. In his assessment of the true value of philosophical principles it was essential for Augustine not to renounce the authority of Christ. Augustine claims that the human race is divided into two antagonistic communities, cities, in their pursuit of their respective "happiness" (civitas Dei; civitas terrena). The two loves are mutually antithetical; the love of God, which is a social love and a love of justice, which is the very opposite of self-love, is an espousal of injustice.