Przeglądaj wg Autor "Szczur, Piotr"
Teraz wyświetlane 1 - 8 z 8
- Wyników na stronę
- Opcje sortowania
Pozycja Aretologia agapetyczna Klemensa Aleksandryjskiego w zarysieSzczur, Piotr (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 2001)Αγάπη is the ordering and hierarchizing principle of all virtues in the aretology of Clement of Alexandria. It is in ἀγάπη that “virtues accomplish their fullness.” This exceptional rank, importance and central position is variously exposed by the author of the “Stromateis”. In his texts, in which he mentions a series of different virtues, ἀγάπη is almost always quoted as the last one, that is one that is on top of all the others, one that closes the process of improvement, the “bond of perfection.” Due to its special character, ἀγάπη cannot be treated in the same way as the other virtues, for it is, as it were, the axis around which all the other values accumulate. Christian love (ἀγάπη) “makes everything perfect” and “leads to perfection.” Therefore our author follows St. Paul and says that „love is the greatest of all virtues (μείζων δὲ τούτων ἡ ἀγάπη).” Hence ἀγάπη is dependent on many intellectual and moral values; by growing, it becomes the quintessence of all the others. The present study has analyzed the virtues in direct relations with ἀγάπη. A number of the announcements of Clement of Alexandria point out that, generally, one can speak about three degrees in which virtues are related to ἀγάπη. The first group of virtues that Clement discusses is so much related to ἀγάπη that one can speak about the relation of identity or sameness. This group includes: πραότης (suavity), χριστότης (nobleness), ὑπομονή (endurance), ἀφϑονία (lack of covetousness), ἀμισία (lack of hatred), ἀζηλία (lack of false ambition), ἀμνησικακία (oblivion of harms), and ϑεοσέβεια (fear of God). The second group is based on the relation of origin or implication. To this group belong the following: δικαιοσύνη (justice), εὐποιία (benevolence), παρτυρία (testimony). The third group is characterized by a fairly far degree of distinction, which may be defined as a relationship of accompany. To this group belong εἰρήνη (peace), φιλανϑρωπία (philanthropy), φιλοξενία (hospitality), φιλοστοργία (tenderness). All the above virtues play auxiliary functions in relation to ἀγάπη. Clement of Alexandria identifies the increase of ἀγάπη, in a sense, with the whole process of Christian perfection, therefore the teaching on the above mentioned virtues, indelibly linked with the essence of ἀγάπη, has been identified as agapethic aretology.Pozycja Kościół pierwotny wobec nikolaitówSzczur, Piotr (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 2007)In biblical and patristic texts Nicolaitans appear as a Judeo-Christian Gnostic sect that had a doctrinal and ethical character and propagated an unreserved freedom of morals and joining the current of moral liberalism, which condemned the God of the Old Testament. The sect was formed in the second half of the 1st century. According to Eusebius of Caesarea “it existed for a short period of time” (HE III 29, 1). Its name derives from the name of Nicolas (Nικόλαος), which in turn is the Greek equivalent of the name Balaam. It should be assumed that a certain Nicolas, unknown today, who was identified by the heretics, or later by researchers studying heresies, with the proselyte, Nicolas of Antioch - one of the seven deacons mentioned in the Acts (6, 5), was the founder of the sect. The Nicolaites sect was already known in the East at the end of the 1st century. This is proven by John the Apostle’s two statements in the Revelation (2, 6. 15). However, the information about the Nicolaites given by the Revelation (2, 6. 14-15. 20) does not allow a more precise identification of the sect or indicating its origin. Although there are no proofs that allow recognizing Deacon Nicolas as the founder of the sect (Acts 6, 5), the patristic tradition is not unanimous in this issue: Irenaeus of Lyon (Adversus haereses I 26, 3; III 11, 1), Hippolytus of Rome (Refutatio omnium haeresium VII 36) and Epiphanius of Salamis (Panarion 25) repeat the data from the Revelation and claim that Deacon Nicolas was the founder of the Nicolaites. Clement of Alexandria (Stromateis II 118, 3 III 25, 6; 26, 1), Eusebius of Caesarea (HE III 29, 1) and Theodoret of Cyrrhus (Haereticarum fabularum compendium III 1) reject identification of the founder of the sect with Deacon Nicolaus of the Acts.Pozycja Nauka Jana Chryzostoma o Piśmie Świętym. Analiza pierwszej homilii (wstępnej) z cyklu „Homilii na Ewangelię według Św. Mateusza”Szczur, Piotr (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 2008)Homilies for Gospel According to Matthew delivered in Antioch in 390 or 391 are John Chrysostom’s best known series of homilies. The set of 90 homilies is opened by the Introductory Homily, in which its author tried to give his audience the basic information about the Holy Scriptures and explain the fundamental – in his opinion – rules of interpretation of the holy books. In the homily he spoke about the role of the Holy Scriptures in the salutary dialog between God and man, stressing the necessity to study the contents of the holy writings. He emphasized the rules of God’s pedagogy, who in the Bible “came down” to people and “adjusted Himself” to their mentality. He explained the need and purpose of existence of four Gospels; he also tried to prove that there is agreement and harmony between particular Gospels, and the discrepancies that can be seen in the Evangelist’ stories do not mean that the Gospels are incompatible. In Chrysostom’s teaching about the Holy Scriptures his profound conviction that the Scriptures were written under the influence of “God’s power” has a significant place; this “God’s power” is also contained in the Scriptures, and their content is exactly what God wanted to transmit to man.Pozycja Rewolta podatkowa w Antiochii (387) w świetle przekazów Libaniusza i Jana Chryzostoma. Retoryka i fakty historyczneSzczur, Piotr (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)The present article discusses the revolt that broke out in Antioch in 387 because Emperor Theodosius the Great announced imposition of new taxes that were a considerable burden for all the citizens of Antioch. First, on the basis of John Chrysostom’s homilies belonging to the series Ad populum Antiochenum and Libanius’ speeches (especially Speech XIX) the course of events is presented. Then the arguments are presented that were used by the two authors when they tried to reconcile Theodosius and Antioch. The speakers showed that the people of Antioch are not solely responsible for the riots and that is why they should not be punished for insulting the emperor’s statues. They ardently put the blame for the rebellion on the traditional rhetoric „scapegoats” and they tried to convince the Emperor that he should show his forgiveness by restoring the signs of his patronage, like the emperor’s statues, baths, the hippodrome, theaters and the municipal status. Finally they laid responsibility on the „demon” – a supernatural power that could not fall under the competence of courts of justice. Analysis of Libanius’ speeches and John Chrysostom’s homilies as historical sources for research on the revolt of 387 is justified, despite their rhetoric nature. On the other hand, examining the misty subtexts found in those texts in the hope of identification of a particular individual or group responsible for instigating the rebellion becomes futile.Pozycja Urząd prezbitera w świetle pism Klemensa z AleksandriiSzczur, Piotr (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 2004)Pozycja Vetera et nova w koncepcji aretologii Klemensa AleksandryjskiegoSzczur, Piotr (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 2006)Clement of Alexandria, as one of the first ancient Christian writers, showed in his works a complete respect for the Greek philosophers of antiquity by drawing on their conclusions. Therefore in the teaching of Clement we very often come across here references to ancient thinkers, and also we find some adaptations to the Christian grounds. An interesting example in this issue is aretology which stemmed from the earlier accomplishments in ancient philosophy. It follows from the contents of ἀρετή that Clement assumed the views from various philosophical schools (in particular, there are Platonic, Aristotelian and Stoic influences), and subjects them to the teaching of the Gospel. Thus his aretology gains a Christocentric dimension, in opposition to ancient aretology which was above all anthropocentrically focused. Among the factors that condition the acquisition of virtue the Alexandrian names three elements: 1) innate properties (a natural disposition to acquire virtue), 2) instruction and practice, and 3) the grace of God. Speaking about the necessity to receive the grace of God, without which there it is impossible to acquire virtue, Clement distances himself from the ethics of ancient philosophers in which the acquisition of virtues depended only on man. We can see in this belief an essential novelty introduced by the author: it is the presupposition that making oneself perfect on the way to virtue does not depend merely on man, hence it is not only his merit, but above all the grace given by God. Another modification made by the Alexandrian in ancient aretology is a different direction of the main goal to strive after virtue. It is – as in ancient ethics – neither temporary happiness, nor any material goods, but the likeness to God (ὁμοίωσις ϧεῷ). The latter is the source of internal happiness consisting in the spiritual participation in supernatural reality. Summing up Clement of Alexandria’s aretology, it should be noted that our author, being on the border between ancient Greek thought and Christian theology (including aretology), had made a surprising synthesis. Faithful to the Christian doctrine, he enriched it with the achievements of Greek culture broadly understood.Pozycja Wiara matką miłości chrześcijańskiej według Klemensa AleksandryjskiegoSzczur, Piotr (Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II, 2004)Pozycja Wpływ starożytnej myśli greckiej na kształtowanie się koncepcji roztropności (φρόνησις) u Klemensa z AleksandriiSzczur, Piotr (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 2003)Clement of Alexandria was one of the first old-Christian writers who in his works fully expressed his respect for ancient Greek philosophers by way of using their conclusions. That is why, we find in the teaching of Clement many references to ancient thinkers, but also accommodations of their concepts into Christianity. An interesting example here is the Christian conception of practical wisdom (φρόνησις) which stemmed from the earlier accomplishments of ancient philosophy. Clement was not systematic in his lecture, therefore we should not expect any consistent conception of practical wisdom (φρόνησις). Nevertheless, an analysis of the three excerpts taken from the Stromata (II 24, 1-2; I 176, 3-179, 4; VI 154, 1-155, 4) has proved that Clement accepted the definitions of practical wisdom (φρόνησις) from all philosophical schools (especially, the Platonic, Aristotelian, and Stoic influences) and subordinates them to the goals he intends to accomplish. One can approach only superficially a certain basic conception and recognize in it that φρόνησις as a cognitive virtue has with Clement both theoretical and practical significance. There are few quotations from the Bible, all of them deliberately used, and they put the philosophical definitions accepted by Clement in a new light. Thus dialectic, critical practical wisdom is brought to existence in moralreligious vigilance required from the Christian in the light of his expectations for the end of the times. In the doctrine of Clement of Alexandria, the conception of universal practical wisdom is incorporated within the universal Divine pedagogy, as it was solved by him in the first book of the Pedagogue.