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Bogactwo związków italskich Polski w dobie pogrunwaldzkiej
Ulewicz, Tadeusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Papieskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Krakowie, 1994)
The victory at Grunwald (1410), and the preceding renewal of the University in Cracow (1400), which was to serve the new missionary requirements in Lithuania, were direct and unavoidable consequences of the need to defend the union of Poland and Lithuania against attempts at annexation by the German Order of the Teutonic Knights. As a result of this situation, in the interconciliar period, from Constance (1414—1418) to Florence (with its memorable, though ultimately unsuccessful endeavour to effect ecclesiastical union with the Greeks and Ruthenia, 1439) the young Polish-Lithuanian state, under the sceptre of Vladislaus Jagiełło, found itself in a novel and civilisationally highly creative position. This paper presents the intellectual and ideological links joining early fifteenth-century Poland and Italy, both in the European conciliar context, and also through the most important individual personalities and events. The presentation is a parallel one, showing the question both from the Italian point of view (as, for example, the Poles studying in Italy), and from the Polish aspect (the numerous Italian scholars and diplomats visiting Poland). The events described include the Venetian anti-Luxemburg episode, whereby at the turn of 1411 and 1412 the Most Serene Republic proposed Jagiełło as candidate to the Imperial crown; the Papal appointment in May 1418 (at Constance) of Jagiełło and Witold as the Church’s generales vicarii intemporalibus in Lithuania and Ruthenia (including territories not under Jagellonian rule, such as Novgorod and Pskov); and the role played by Jagiełło’s Italian servants in international diplomacy. There are detailed accounts of the Polish sojourns of Paulus Venetus, the Nuncio Antonius Zeno, Cardinal Branda Castiglione, Giuliano Cesarmi, and Francesco Filelfo. There is a description of the interesting career of Jagiełło’s nephew, Cardinal Aleksander, Bishop of Trent, a Prince of the Mazovian line of the Piast dynasty, who died in 1444. There are mentions of the Italian echoes of the military defeat and death of the young Polish King, Vladislaus III, at Varna. A brief account is given of contemporary Italian manuscripts in the Jagellonian Library, and also of what the Italian Humanists wrote about Poland. Finally there is a relation of the historically and culturally significant Polish episodes of St. Giovanni da Capestrano (John Capestran) and Blessed Marco da Bologna.
Św. Kazimierz w polskiej kulturze umysłowo-literackiej
Ulewicz, Tadeusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Papieskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Krakowie, 1984)
The aim of this paper is to provide a survey of the history and legend of St. Casimir as a figure in the Polish literary and intellectual culture of the five centuries which have elapsed since his death. The Prince, whose life was cut short at 25 by tuberculosis, was the second son of Casimir (IV) the Jagellonian. From his earliest years he was admired for his talents and virtues which inspired confidence and won the affection of those he came into contact with, as evidenced by numerous documentary records as early as 1469–1473 in which he is described as „adolescens ingenuus, rarae indolis et memorabilis Minervae”, „optime indolis, literatissimus, iusticie amator”, or „stupende virtutis et prudencie ac doctrine eximie, quibus multorum populorum' corda in sui amorem attraxerat”. His contemporaneous writers – both native (such as Długosz), and newcomers to Poland (Filippo Buanaccorsi Callimachus) – began almost at once to record his name and preserve his memory in their Latin works, with the growing general opinion (especially in Wilno, where he was buried) as to his sanctity, and with the resulting cult. The opening years of the 16th century saw the first steps in his canonisation process, accompanied by an increasing number of literary records of his life. The oration delivered by Erazm Ciołek to the Pope in 1501, the anonymous humanist treatise De Institutione Regii Pueri (11502), De Divo Casimiro [...] Carmen Elegiacum by the Swiss Rudolf Agricola the Younger (published in Cracow, 1511), and the poetry by Andrzej Krzycki (Ad Tumulum Divi Casimiri [...] Salutatio, 68 verses of elegiae distichs, and the succinct Epitaphium for him, written in 1513) initiated a series of literary works which mark the growth of a spontaneous popularity and of the legend of St. Casimir. Even the Papal Legate, Zaccaria Ferreri, who was sent out to Poland and Lithuania to conduct an examination on the case and spent IV2 years on the spot diligently carrying out his task, succumbed to the Casimirian legend, for – alongside the official documents prepared for the canonisation – he also compiled a Vita Beati Casimiri Confessoris (editio princeips, Cracoviae, 1520/21), and several poems on the Saint, including 5 breviary hymns which were published officially in the collection Hymni Novi Ecclesiatici (Romae, 1525). However, events interrupted the canonisation process when it was just about to be concluded. The deaths of Leo X and Erazm Ciołek, the general confusion created by the Reformation, and the calamitous Sacco di Roma of 1527, during which the canonisation documents were destroyed, postponed the final stage of the proceedings. Nevertheless, the cult itself continued, as evidenced in the poetry of Mikołaj Hussowczyk and Klemens Janicius, in the historians (Miechowita, Decjusz, Kromer, Herburt, etc.), and finally, after a slight initial delay, in the Polish Renaissance homiletic and hagiographie prose (Skarga and others). The turn of the 16th and 17th centuries marks the growing part of the Jesuits in the dissemination of the cult of St. Casimir in Poland and Lithuania. In May 1604 the Jesuit Academy in Wilno organised the magnificent and memorable celebrations for the Saint’s canonisation, with many of the city’s Jesuit scholars and men of letters taking part in the church ceremonies (which were described in detail in Theatrum S. Casimiri [...], Vilnae, 1604), and contributing verse, prose, and drama on St. Casimir in Polish and Latin. The masters of the college also held „poetry competitions”, with the Saint as their subject, for their students; in the same year over 90 of these poems in Latin, and one in Greek, all composed by students (including some foreigners, from Norway, Denmark, Scotland, Hungary and Sweden), were published in Theatridium Poeticum [...] D. Casimiro. St. Casimir provided a favourite subject in the 17th century for literary sermons; with such writers as F. Birkowski, A. Makowski, M. K. Sarbiewski and S. Starowolski among the numerous preachers involved. There was also Sarbiewski’s beautiful patriotic ode, S. Casimirus in Oppugnanda Polocia Milites trans Dunam Ducit and his epigram, S. Casimirus Infirmatur et a Medicis Non Curatur. Finally, there was the Polish-language poetry of S. Grochowski, K. Twardowski, E. Cieszyński, and others. However, it was drama that was especially attracted to the legend of the Saint, as the modern researcher finds in the numerous school plays in Latin on St. Casimir, performed in the Jesuit colleges both at home and abroad, of which over 10 different plays, all put on several times each up to the 1750’s, are known to-day. From the 1650’s onwards there was a significant rise in the number of Italian publications on St. Casimir, and the same period also witnessed the European renaissance of the mediaeval hymn, Omni die dic Mariae mea laudes anima, then attributed to St. Casimir, since a parchment containing its text was discovered in the coffin with his relics at its official opening. This hymn enjoyed a special popularity in Poland and was translated into Polish several times. It is still a favourite church hymn, in the version by the Romantic poet, J. B. Zaleski. After 1795 and the loss of Poland’s independence, and during the subsequent period, the Partitioning Powers – Austria under Joseph II, Russia (especially after 1863), and Prussia after 1870 and during the Kulturkampf – endeavoured to obstruct the cult of the Polish saints. However, their afforts proved fruitless, and the cult of the indigenous saints became even more widespread and a pervasive force within 19th-century Polish society, making itself felt in Mickiewicz’s Litania pielgrzymska in the Księgi narodu i pielgrzymstwa polskiego (Paris, 1832), in Jozef Bohdan Zaleski’s congenial translation of Omni die dic Mariae, and especially in the hymns found in popular 19th-century hymn books, such as those recorded in M. M. Mioduszewski’s hymnal of 1838, and J. Siedlecki’s 1878 publication.
Św. Stanisław ze Szczepanowa w kulturze umysłowo-literackiej dawnej Polski
Ulewicz, Tadeusz (Wydawnictwo Naukowe Papieskiej Akademii Teologicznej w Krakowie, 1979)
The essay is an extended version of the paper read on May 29, 1978, at the Academic Session on St. Stanislaus, held in the Archdiocesan Curia of Cracow, where it was presented as a parallel study to Dr. D. Turkowska’s (see below p. 499). The author has therefore concentrated chiefly on the literature, both poetry and prose, in the Polish language, from the late thirteenth to the end of the eighteenth century, none the less stressing the close link with, and constantly finding it necessary – for the sake of literary comparison – to refer to the collateral Latin (though, of course, equally “Polish”) writings, especially the prose lying outside the scope of his colleague’s paper, whilst the limits of his own subject have left further/ non-literary aspects of the historical sources to be treated by the appropriate specialists. After a brief account of the studies conducted hitherto on the subject and of the points still requiring attention, the author begins with the linguistic side of the matter, noting the rapid rise to a nation-wide popularity of the name “Stanisław”, associated as early as the beginning of the 13th century (i.e. before the canonisation in Assissi in 1253) with the widespread cult of the Saint and giving rise to a whole range of onomastic variants, with almost 50 derivatives from the abbreviated form “Stach” alone, a further 30 from the diminutive “Staszek”, and some 40 to 60 from the basic “Stanisław” (the ambiguity here being caused by the possibility of some originating from the similar, and now obsolete name, “Stanimir”). This in turn produced a whole series of Polish surnames, about 70 of which (and doubtless many more could still be found) were referred to in the lecture, with even an imposing list of derivatives assimilated by other languages, such as the German “Stenzel”, “Stanke”, “Staesche”, etc. But the really astounding linguistic success of the name was in its being the source of numerous place-names, amounting to some 250 positions as recorded in the available topographical data for the pre-partition Polish territory. And to close the linguistic section, the author turns to a well-known study of Christian names used in Poland, to give a chronological and statistical review of the history of the name “Stanisław”, showing that at the turn of the 14th and 15th centuries it was already the fourth most popular masculine name in the country (after “Mikołaj”, “Jan”, and “Piotr”); by the 16th it had established itself as the second or third in order of popularity; remaining throughout the l7th and 18th centuries among the top four or so most common names; until – by 1921 – the official list of officers serving in the Polish forces showed that “Stanisław” had gained a clear lead over the other Christian names, with its total of 763 instances in the officers’ list (7.7% of this particular population), and well ahead of ’’Jan”, “Jozef”, “Władysław”, “Kazimierz”, “Tadeusz”, etc. The figure of St. Stanislaus also made a tremendous impact on Polish folklore, both in its peasant branch, as in the now extinct folklore of the gentry, with the numerous legends and stories (especially in the Cracovian and Little Poland regions) about the Saint, leaving their imprint also in a wealth of Polish proverbs on Stanislaus. As regards the literary “career” of the St. Stanislaus tradition – with its early beginnings in the mediaeval Latin chronicles of Gallus Anonymus and Master Vincentius; in both the hagiographies (the “Vita Minor” before, and the “Vita Maior” after the canonisation) as well as in other Church documents, and the hymns (both in the liturgical sequences, dating from the middle of the 13th century, as in the related breviary hymns, such as the famous, late 13th century “Gaude, Mater Polonia”) – there are a few historical facts at its very outset which are of special importance. The first concerns the dawn of Polish poetry and the ancient “patrium carmen”, the “Bogurodzica”, to which was added, at the earliest by the turn of the 14th and 15th century, a stanza addressed to St. Stanislaus. Of particular moral significance and patriotic prestige, the St. Stanislaus invocation later gave rise to a whole series of variations, often adapted to meet the particular needs of the time (providing, for example, a reminder of the catastrophic battle of Varna against the Turks in 1444, or, on another occasion, of a famine). At the same time it shared a rich poetic tradition with the then highly popular church hymns about the Saint, such as the beautiful, 23-stanza hymn (written in the 1450’s) relating the legend about the Bishop, which has survived down to our times. So popular in fact, that new hymns about the Saint were constantly being added to the old repertoire for a number of centuries to come. The second point is that, as regards the mediaeval prose, there must certainly have been very many sermons about St. Stanislaus (now unfortunately lost) from the second half of the 13th century onwards, especially in Cracow where the first Polish Dominican, St. Jacek Odrowąż (d. 1257) is said to have preached about the Saint at his tomb in the Cathedral on Wawel Hill. It may be inferred from the scraps of the famous calendar of sermons for saints’ and holy days, “Kazania świętokrzyskie” (date 13th century), salvaged by Bruckner, that the collection almost certainly contained a vernacular sermon about St. Stanislaus for his feast-day in May. The existing 14th and 15th century sermons about the Saint are basically Latin, but they were undoubtedly preached in Polish. The earliest is the homily by the Silesian preacher, Peregrinus Polonus, from the turn of the 13th and 14th centuries, translated in the 15th into Czech. Another St. Stanislaus sermon is to be found in the late 14th century “Kazania gnieźnieńskie” manuscript, where the text itself is in Latin, but with interlinear glosses in Polish. Leaving aside the two already mentioned, 13th century lives of the Saint, and the Polish manuscript variations of Jacobus de Voragine’s “Legenda Aurea” which acquired locally two early 14th century Latin stories about the Saint (for his feast-day, May 8, and his translation, September 27), one is faced, at the beginning of the Polish Renaissance in the latter half of the 15th century, with a marked intensification of both the historical and the literary and artistic approach to the image of the Saint. An intensification attributable to the penmanship first of the historian, Jan Długosz (d. 1480), and secondly of the Italian expatriate, Filippo Buonaccorsi “Callimachus” (d. 1496), two great literary personalities symbolizing, as it were, their times – of transition from Middle Ages to Renaissance, in which the historian’s art in the work of the traditional but highly reliable and thorough Długosz gave us the basic historical facts on the Saint’s life (“Vita Beatissimi Stanislai Episcopi Cracoviensis”) with a digest in “Annales seu Cronicae Incliti Regni Poloniae”, whilst the verse of the humanist Buonaccorsi, “Carmen Sapphicum in Vitam Gloriosissimi Martyris Sancti Stanislai [...] Polonorum Gentis Patroni”, ushered the figure of the Polish Saint into the great pantheon of Renaissance panegyrical poetry. And the writings of both, with their several re-prints, exerted a deep and long-lasting influence on later texts. Callimachus marks the beginning of the really great Latin poetry in the Polish Renaissance, with works on St. Stanislaus by such outstanding poets as Paulus Crosnensis, the Pope’s laureate Clemens Janicius, Petrus Roysius, Nicolaus Sęp-Szarzyński, and Simon Szymonowie “Simonides” following his pattern. And the Dlugossian “Vita Beatissimi Stanislai” was to re-appear frequently, right down to the 18th and even 19th century, in several editions, both in the original Latin, as well as in translations: the Polish of M. Wilkowiecki, but also in a German version and even in an Italian abridgement. The figure of the Saint also attracted the prose branches of Polish 16th century literature, especially the superbly rhetorical homilies, postils, and collections of sermons (by J. Wujek, P. Skarga, and others); the popular histories (of M. Miechowita, M. Bielski, M. Kromer, etc.); the hagiographies (notably Skarga’s “Żywoty Świętych”); occasionally adding historical spice to the rich and varied political writings of such prominent authors as A. Frycz Modrzewski and S. Orzechowski; and cropping up now and again even in such apparently remote, erudite treatises, as Goslioki’s “De Optimo Senatore” (with its English translations), mentioned also as a historical personality in Bodin’s “Les six livres de la Republique”. It is noteworthy that the Polish Reformation – reluctant though it was in general to the cult of the saints – behaved with the utmost respect towards the national Patron, as its renowned sympathisers, the above-mentioned Frycz and Bielski, reflected in their works, and as even the later Protestant hymnals, including one used by the Poloni Fratres, showed. Alongside the hymns, old and new, still in common use in the late 16th and the 17th centuries, a series of dramatised versions of the Saint’s life now appeared and quickly gained popularity. These included the traditionally-inspired students’ productions, similar to the old mysteries, such as those played by the Cracovian undergraduates or the school production of “Dyjalog o św. Stanisławie” put on by Chełmno College in Pomerania. But the really massive dramatic output of the time on the subject of the Saint came from the Polish Jesuit colleges where we know that in the period from 1574 to about 1730 well over a dozen such “tragical acts”, plays, and spectacles were staged. There were a further dozen or so Jesuit productions on St. Stanislaus abroad, at such places as Augsburg, Cologne, Tournai, Malines, and Luxemburg, besides the “tragoedia sacra” by Nicolaus Vernulaeus (Louvain, 1618), unconnected with the Jesuits but having Kromer’s historical account as its source. And again in the basically spiritual culture of the Baroque Sarmatianism spanning the whole of the 17th century, it was the figure of St. Stanislaus which proved a favourite theme in the luxuriant prose of the sermons – both in the Polish as in the Latin, “exported” versions (delivered abroad by eminent preachers in the Polish churches in Rome, Padua, and elsewhere) – echoing the full rhetorical gamut of the literature of the age. The style of preaching was Baroque and at the same time – patriotic: its note of patriotism undergoing an unmistakable intensification as the long wars with the heterodox (Turk, Swede, Muscovite) dragged on throughout the century, to play a fundamental role of moral encouragement later on in the difficult times at the demise of the Polish Commonwealth in the 18th century. In the 18th century – the age in which the majority of the Polish reformers’ attempts to modernize and save the country politically (consistently thwarted by the eventual partitioners, Prussia, Russia, and Austria) were always linked with the national spiritual heritage, in which the cult of St. Stanislaus was one of the fundamental elements. The subject of St. Stanislaus was still as popular as ever in the church pulpits, keeping abreast of the latest intellectual trends, and we find the typical imprints of the Enlightenment in the sermons on the Saint produced in this period, especially in the final quarter-century of independence, by such writers as H. Kołłątaj, J. P. Woronicz, J. N. Kossakowski, A. Malinowski, and others, under the auspices of King Stanislaus Augustus – and with the statesmen responsible for the 1791 Constitution, the participants of the Four-Year Seym, and finally all fighting in the 1794 Insurrection under Kosciuszko’s leadership as their congregation. Some time before there had been the fifth centenary jubilee of the canonisation (1753/4), celebrated in Poland (mainly, of course, in Cracow) and, thanks to the efforts of Andrzej Stanisław Załuski, Bishop of Cracow, also in Italy. Another sign of the continued flourishing of the cult in the enlightened century was the merit award, the Order of St. Stanislaus, established by the King in 1765, the holders of which pledged to subsidise a Warsaw hospital run on public charity. Finally, the revival, at the very end of the age, of interest in the Saint as a subject for artistic treatment (eg. in the opera by Sierakowski, about 1780) was to find its continuation in the 19th century Late Classical and Romantic poetry and drama.