Resovia Sacra
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Pozycja Antoni Angełłowicz i Michał Lewicki, pierwsi greckokatoliccy metropolici halicko-lwowscyNabywaniec, Stanisław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 1996)Pozycja Antykatolicka i antypolska argumentacja uczestników synodu lwowskiego w 1946 r.Nabywaniec, Stanisław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 2005)In 1946 soviet goverment with cooperation of Moscow's patriarchate and support of Greek Catholic Church, organized “Unification” Synod of Greek Catholic Church in Soviet Ukraine with Russian Orthodox Church. According the ecclesiastical law this synod was lawlesseness, because none of the Greek Catholic Bischops participated in. Some attendants were forced in several different ways to participate in this event. During the Synod, none of the major arguments were used against the Greek Catholic Church in ekleziological sens. It was more libel and lie directed to the Pope, Vatican, and Poland. Theological discussion have been substituted with Soviet Propaganda.Pozycja Korzenie i dziedzictwo chrześcijańskie na PodkarpaciuNabywaniec, Stanisław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 2000)Pozycja Kościół greckokatolicki oraz Kościoły i wspólnoty prawosławne na Ukrainie po 1990 r.Nabywaniec, Stanisław; Lignowski, Mieczysław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 1998)Pozycja Ks. Witold Jedynak, „Lokalne społeczności parafialne w Rzeszowie. Studium socjologiczno-pastoralne”, Rzeszów 2012, s. 393, ISBN 978-83-7338-733-1.Nabywaniec, Stanisław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 2013)Pozycja Książę Jerzy Ignacy Lubomirski (1687-1753) i jego fundacje pobożneNabywaniec, Stanisław; Zych, Sławomir (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 2003)Pozycja O. W. Iwanusiw, Cerkwa w rujni. Zahybel Ukrajnśkych cerkow peremyśkoj eparchij, Ontario 1987, Naukowe Towarzystwo im. Szewczenka. Biblioteka Ukrajoznastwa, T. 56. Wyd. sw. Sofij Relihijnoho Towarzystwa Ukrajnciw Katołykiw Kanady St. Cathariensis, format A 4, ss. 351, zdjęć kolorowych 522, rycin 168 w tym 104 ryciny cerkwi zniszczonych, 1 mapa, okładka twarda pokryta płótnem, obwoluta kolorowa, laminowana, język angielski i ukraiński.Nabywaniec, Stanisław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 1994)Pozycja Patrocinia Świętego Wojciecha w metropolii lwowskiej od XIV do XX wiekuNabywaniec, Stanisław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 1999)Pozycja Piętnastolecie diecezji rzeszowskiej w kontekście roli diecezji w życiu Kościoła i narodu. Refleksja historycznaNabywaniec, Stanisław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 2008)Pope John Paul II changed the administrative division of Polish church issuing a bulla “Totus Tuus Poloniae populus” in 25 March 1992. The papal edict gave the beginning to eight new metropolies and 13 dioceses. The creation of local churches (i.e. dioceses) was a significant and spectacular event. From the beginning of church organizational structures to the present time, political authorities, socio-political movements and all organs controlling politics, economy, culture and developing their regime, thinking and civilizational models have taken a keen interest in church’s structures. The diocese was and is a vital and key fundament of the church’s construction and its keystone was and is a bishop. It is easy to make the destruction of the diocese eliminating the bishop in a physical and moral way. The church without the bishop and diocese has no chances for development, survival and simply does not exist but vegetates underground in souls and hearts of the faithful. Among new dioceses in 1992, Rzeszów diocese was established by the personal decision of Pope John Paul II. Rzeszów diocese emerged from two parts of Przemyśl and one part of Tarnów diocese.Pozycja Plany józefińskiej regulacji parafii w greckokatolickiej diecezji przemyskiejNabywaniec, Stanisław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 2000)Pozycja Posługa duszpasterska na frontach I wojny światowejNabywaniec, Stanisław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 2016)The premise of this article is to remind and raise awareness of the great role that chaplains played on the fronts of the „Great War”. They served their pastoral ministry in difficult times, not only because of the threat of warfare, but also because of ideological obstacles. In C. K. Austro-Hungarian ministry, religious chaplains had a very high value. Religious elements were included in the text of the soldier’s oath. Chaplains in their sermons encouraged the soldiers to remain faithful to the Austro-Hungarian Empire. Each regiment of the Habsburg army had its own chaplain. Overall, there were more than 4,000 military chaplains of all religions and faiths - among them 3500 Catholic chaplains. With the outbreak of war in imperial Germany, the German army invoked not only the young clergy, but also many elderly. In the Prussian army, which represented by far the largest part of the German army, it had 125 protestant chaplains. Their number increased in April 1915, to 372 people and by 1916 it reached 744 chaplains. They were supported by the voluntary parish ministers. In the anticlerical Third Republic of France chaplains were nominally assigned to each squadron, but in August 1914, there were only a hundred. In this situation, at the beginning of August 1914, the Ministry of War approved the nominations for chaplains “volunteers” who were employed in pastoral work on the front. In June of 1918, there was one chaplain for an average of 4000-5000 soldiers, which was insufcient to provide spiritual help. In addition to the Catholic chaplains on the front there were 19,000 priest soldiers, 4,000 seminarians and 7,000 religious novices. An unknown number of nuns, served in the hospitals. The effects of the French chaplains were excellent. Soldiers not close to the Church and religion started to approach God. In 1915 the number of soldiers taking communion and attending Masses increased. At the commencement of hostilities, there were 89 Anglican, 17 Catholic and 11 Presbyterian chaplains in the British Army. Only 12 of them were sent to France. The others were only able to serve in the country or overseas garrisons. Chief Chaplain of all the main Christian denominations was Dr. John Simms, an Irish Presbyterian. In 1915, about 45 000 Irish Catholics joined the British Army. They needed Catholic priests. They were fnding such a service in the garrison towns, but they did not have it on the front. Irish hierarchy had no influence, as the military ministry was controlled by the Archbishop of Westminster. Irish soldiers used the ministry of Irish or non-Irish chaplains whoever were serving in a particular place. Austro-Hungary was during the war, the enemy of the British. This proved to be a problem for the Irish Catholics, because the Habsburg Empire was seen as an important European Catholic power. The presence of chaplains clearly affected the morale of the Irish soldiers. Unfortunately, the bishops did not always send their military service volunteers who were eligible for this task. Irish Chaplains were overworked. Some of the Irish chaplains were captured. They undertook activities in exchange for the release of their compatriots from POW camps. The Irish Catholic Church did not support the war effort in Britain, in the same way as the Church of Ireland, the Presbyterian Church in Ireland and even the Catholic Church in the rest of the UK. For various reasons, some Irish priests actively worked against the efforts of the war, which had a negative impact on the number of priests who volunteered as a chaplain in the British Army. Although Catholicism was the religion of the minority in the British Isles, War I reinforced their belief. In historiography, a lot of myths and misconceptions were accumulated relating to the British during World War I. The most damaging of these messages were that military chaplains lurked at the rear, while the soldiers fought and died in the trenches on the front. Many historians of the Great War emphasized the religiosity of the Italian soldiers. The army of the Kingdom of Sardinia functioned military chaplains, called “elemosinieri”, but afer 1866, due to the antagonism between the Church and the State, they were expelled from the army. In the face of Italy joining the Great War, the Catholic Chief of Staf, General Luigi Cadorna restored religious service in the army. High Command facilitated the activities of chaplains in the belief that they would raise the soldiers’ spirts and discipline. Followers of the Waldensian Evangelical Church, Baptist Church and the Jewish had their own chaplains. Many chaplains served by the motives of sincere love were guided by the desire to proclaim the Gospel. Some of them remained in contact with the soldiers who fought, not wanting to remain in the comfort of hospitals. They often switched between the soldiers and their families. Chaplains were men of the Church, but they were also soldiers, who in moments of extreme danger during the fight went to the trenches to comfort the dying, and even in the event of the death of an officer to replace him in command. Many chaplains earned great respect and admiration from the ranks of combatants.Pozycja Schematyzm Diecezji Kamieniecko-Podolskiej. Kamieniec Podolski 1994. Wyd. Kuria Biskupia w Kamieńcu Podolskim. Skład komputerowy. J. pol. i ukr. 8ºss. 133.Nabywaniec, Stanisław; Lignowski, Mieczysław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 1994)Pozycja Sursum corda. Historia krzyża jubileuszowego na GiewoncieNabywaniec, Stanisław; Rut, Tomasz (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 2014)The tradition of placing crosses in the region of Podhale is long and dates back to the late eighteenth century. Choosing Mount Giewont as the place of the Jubilee Cross was an obvious decision, given that its summit was very popular and well-known. This cross was placed at the top of Giewont on 8th of July 1901, and was consecrated on 19 August 1901 by Fr. Władysław Bandurski, the chancellor of the curia of Kraków. He also delivered a fi ery sermon. The initiator and coordinator of elevating the Jubilee Cross on Giewont was the parish priest of Zakopane Fr. Kazimierz Kaszelewski. John Paul II, during his visit to Zakopane in 1997, made a reference to the cross on Giewont. Since 1997 the image of the cross on Giewont appears on the coat of arms of Zakopane. The then secretary of Pope John Paul II, Stanislaw Dziwisz, currently Cardinal and Archbishop of Krakow, has also inserted the image of the cross on his coat of arms.Pozycja Świątynie parafii Kolbuszowa w świetle akt wizytacyjnych z 1764 r.Nabywaniec, Stanisław; Zych, Sławomir (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 2001)Pozycja Wiktor Poliszczuk, Gorzka prawda. Zbrodniczość OUN-UPA. (Spowiedź Ukraińca), Toronto-Warszawa-Kijów 1995, ss. 424.Nabywaniec, Stanisław (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 1996)Pozycja Żydzi i wyznaniowa gmina żydowska we Frysztaku do wybuchu II wojny światowejNabywaniec, Stanisław; Szopa, Krzysztof (Instytut Teologiczno-Pastoralny im. św. bpa Józefa Sebastiana Pelczara w Rzeszowie, 2004)Jewry came to Frysztak in XV centaury. In the beginning they were very small group of people. They lived in separate part of city. Jewry population were constantly raising in Frysztak, and they had much more influence in the city. They main job was commerce. They had also own administration and people responsible for the faith community. Jewry wore particular clothes and they had specific physical outlook. Relations between Polish nad Jewry had social-economics basis and were connected with the apprehension of Jewish impact on the economy. Besides this fact,we can find a lot of examples that they had pretty good friendship and were good coworkers. Jewish language was very helpfull with keeping and holding Jewish distinctness. As one of the minority Nation in Frysztak, only they had, they own political groups.