Przeglądaj wg Autor "Szram, Mariusz"
Teraz wyświetlane 1 - 13 z 13
- Wyników na stronę
- Opcje sortowania
Pozycja Ciało zmartwychwstałe w nauczaniu Ojców Apostolskich i św. JustynaSzram, Mariusz (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)The article presents the teaching about the resurrected body in the 2nd century A. D. (Apostolic Fathers, Justin, Pseudo-Justin), up to the moment of the appearance of the first treatises devoted exclusively to resurrection; they were written by Athenagoras, Tertulian or Origen at the break of the 2nd century. On the basis of analysis of source texts the author puts forth the following theses: 1. The conviction about Christ’s resurrection was transmitted as one of the main truths of faith that prophesized raising of the dead, although the argument also appeared that referred to the Incarnation of Logos as the event giving the human body exceptional dignity, as well as stressed the role of God the Father as the Author of the new creature in the ultimate times. 2. Universality of resurrection as an act preceding the last judgment did not raise doubts in the authors of that period; however, they stressed rather the theological meaning and the salutary context of resurrection – that is, they understood it in the strict sense as the fact that just people will gain a new life in its fullness. 3. In some authors, especially in St Justin, the millenary context can be seen, suggesting the existence of resurrection for the just, who will live in a thousand-year kingdom that will still be an earthly, but already renewed one; this resurrection will be supplemented by the fact that people will gain new features, proper for eternal life, which can be received only after bringing back to life all the remaining people deserving eternal punishment in ultimate times. 4. In the discussed period spiritual understanding of resurrection was important. It was believed that in fact it begins with the baptism, and in ultimate times it only will be confirmed and supplemented by returning to human bodies. Moral conditions for receiving the new full life were important. Only those ones would attain it who would ‘keep their bodies chaste’; that is who would be faithful in their earthly lives to the grace received at the baptism. 5. The authors writing in that period were not particularly interested in anthropology. From the middle of the 2nd century the dualism of Hellenic origin was in fact typical. It emphasized that man consists of an immortal soul and a mortal body; however, this relation is not commented on so widely as in later apologetic writings. 6. Christian authors of the first two centuries A. D. most often used the phrase “ἀνάστασις νεκρων” for describing resurrection, and when they meant the resurrected body they more frequently used the term “σάρξ” than “σωμα”, although these terms had similar meanings and they were used interchangeably. 7. Authors of that period did not consider the features of the resurrected body in detail. First of all they emphasized its immortality (ἀθανασία) and imperishableness (ἀϕθαρσία). 8. Most works coming from the discussed period contain criticism of the doketistic views or ones rejecting resurrection, which proves that from the very beginning there was a current in the Church that questioned the possibility that the human body could return to life.Pozycja Interpretacja nieba i ziemi w patrystycznych komentarzach do modlitwy „Ojcze nasz”Szram, Mariusz (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 1999)Pozycja Jakie ciało nie osiągnie królestwa Bożego? Patrystyczna egzegeza 1 Kor 15,50Szram, Mariusz (Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II, 2020)The aim of the article is to compare the exegesis of verse 1 Cor 15:50 in early patristic literature on the example of the writings of three authors: Irenaeus of Lyon – representative of the Asian tradition; Tertullian of Cartage – associated with the North African tradition, similar in many points to Asian; and Origen – originating from the Alexandrian tradition. All these writers used the moral interpretation of the phrase “flesh and blood” as sinful deeds, which should be abandoned to enter the kingdom of heaven. Each of them, however, also allowed the literal explanation of this verse, trying to reconcile it with the truth of faith about the bodily resurrection. Irenaeus emphasized that the body can not be resurrected and reach the kingdom of God with its own strength, but only with the help of the Holy Spirit. Tertullian thought that the body in the earth would resurrect, but it would not be able to enter the kingdom of heaven without accepting features adapted to the new reality. Origen went the farthest, undermining the possibility of returning to earth-shaped bodies. The analysis of early Christian commentary on the Pauline verse proves that patristic exegesis was theologically oriented and depended on the contemporary doctrinal disputes. One may also notice a certain paradox: sometimes in order to justify a particular philosophical and theological stand, a proponent of literalism or moderate allegorisation might attach more importance to the portable meaning of the inspired text than the alleged allegorist, which in turn referred to a far-reaching literal interpretation.Pozycja Kościół jako rzeczywistość wieczna w doktrynie OrygenesaSzram, Mariusz (Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II, 2004)In Origen’s theological research, the term Church has a very wide meaning, which conveys the framework of the earthly religious institution and the community of believers. In its fundamental sense, it means the family of all rational beings created by God and His works relating to the history of angels and people. According to this Alexandrian, God created beings gifted with rational thinking, to make up one community closely bonded with Him, meaning the Church understood in a broad sense. There turned out to be an impediment to achieving this eternal plan of God because of the incorrectly used gift of free will by rational beings. The fall through sin caused a breakdown of the first heavenly and earthly Church, and at the same time initiated the long process of a return to the original state of harmony. It is divided into two stages: the Old Testament Church and the Church of Christ. The later, being the fullest manifestation of the community of united people by God in the annals of the visible world, does not have a status as the ultimate Church and only comprises an image of the eschatological reality. There will be a bringing together of the heavenly Church with the earthly Church and a complete union of rational beings with Christ. The Church understood in this way crosses the limits of the present time and becomes an everlasting reality, prepared in the preexistence and also having a continuation and fulfillment in eschatology. It is not eternity understood in an absolute way, pertaining only to God, but in the sense of a lengthy continuation which had a beginning but does not have an end. Origen’s ecclesiology was formed in a climate of ancient Greek philosophy, under the strong influence of Platonic teaching on the preexistence of the soul and the Platonic-stoic theory of the wandering of worlds, which was a normal phenomenon in the Alexandrian environment at the turn of the II and III centuries. Despite such a dependency on erroneous philosophical theories and certain logical inconsistencies, Origen's concept of the eternal Church on many essential points turned out to be an inspiration for later Catholic ecclesiology, particularly in her ecumenical and mystical tendencies. It presents all of humanity as chosen from the beginning by God and called to be His Church. It acknowledges Christ as the foundation and Bridegroom not only of the Christian Church instituted by His incarnation, but the entire community of people for whom this Church of Christ is the visible sacramental sign and invitation to return to unity with God. It is proof that the world was created for Church which does not pass away but grows and changes, in order to finally become the perfect coronation of works as the only family under Christ as the Head, and through Him the Father of the universe.Pozycja Mesalianie – rygorystyczny ruch ascetyczny czy herezja doktrynalna?Szram, Mariusz (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 2018)Messalians were one of the most famous and at the same time mysterious and varied rigorous ascetic movements in the early Church. The author of the article, basing on the early Christian catalogs of heresies, written by Epiphanius of Salamina, Theodoretus of Cyrus, John Damascene and Augustine, and the contemporary literature of the subject, seeks to answer the question whether Messalians should be regarded as a kind of harmless sect or rather as a heresy proclaiming serious doctrinal errors. The conclusion is that the theological argumentation of the practice of continuous prayer in the messalian movement undermined the principal principles of orthodox pneumatology, sacramentology, ecclesiology and soteriology. It is true that in the analyzed descriptions of heresies contained in early Christian sources one must take into account the plentiful use of the invective, which often overwhelms the true image of the described movement, but in the case of the Messalians the repetition of the same allegations orders to see them not only as the ascetic movement but above all as the dangerous doctrinal heresy.Pozycja Orygenes a millenaryzm. Jednoznaczne odrzucenie czy przyjęcie pewnych inspiracji?Szram, Mariusz (Instytut Teologiczny w Tarnowie, 2000)Pozycja Osobowy charakter biblijnego słowa w rozumieniu OrygenesaSzram, Mariusz (Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II, 2005)The author explains Origen's unusually original concept of the Word of God. From various texts by Origen, it is apparent that he understood the Words of Scripture as one of the two forms of the incamation of the Divine Logos. The eternal Word at a particular moment of Divine activity became a person, and throughout the annals of salvation history became the word of the Bibie which through Him confronts every person.Pozycja Pokora – „matka cnót” (μήτηρ άρετων) w ujęciu Bazylego Wielkiego i Jana ChryzostomaSzram, Mariusz (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 2004)The aim of the article is to show the basic assumptions underlying the teaching of humility in Eastern patristics, on the example of writings by two outstanding writers of the 4th century, who used the Greek language – St Basil and St John Chrysostom. They come to analogous conclusions as St Augustine, who lived at the same time, speaking explicitly about humility as the basis of all virtues. Their conception is a synthetic summary of a few earlier currents. Besides the biblical, and especially evangelical, data, the authors used the ancient Greek terminology connected with the ideals of moderation and magnanimity and the attitude of lack of conceit, changing its original semantics in the Christian spirit. They also referred to the foundations of the teaching of humility as a moral-religious virtue that were formed in the circle of Alexandrian theologians (Clement of Alexandria, Origen) and to the idea of putting humility at the head of virtues as the foundation of Christian life that was used in the ascetic practice of early-Christian monks. Basil and John Chrysostom define humility as freedom from conceit and the conception that a man may be covered with glory all by himself, and not by looking for it as coming from God. They emphasize that various kinds of submissiveness may be called humility and that not all of them deserve to be called virtues. Evaluation of a given form of humility depends on the motivation which resulted in assuming this attitude. Both these authors do not leave any doubts as to the foremost importance of humility in the process of acquiring virtues. It is the mother, the root, the supporter, the basis and the bond for all the other virtues (μήτηρ άρετων). According to the rules of the ancient rhetoric Basil and John Chrysostom present the virtue of humility against the background of the fault it opposes, that is conceit. They stress that although true humility is the opposite of conceit, the borderline between the fault and a distorted form of the opposite virtue may be quite fluent; one can pride himself on his own humility and derive pleasure from it. Humility as it is understood by Basil and John Chrysostom is a specific virtue. On the one hand, it a separate virtue that opens the way to perfection and makes it possible to acquire other virtues, but on the other - it is an attitude that accompanies all the virtues; it is the ‘head’ (κεφαλή) of each of them and a trait that distinguishes each true Christian. In this formulation, humility in a sense comes close to the Aristotelian ideal of ‘μεσότης’, which also sometimes was described as a separate virtue and sometimes as an inseparable feature of each virtue. The well-known stoic conviction that one who acquires one virtue, at the same time acquires all of them, may be connected, in a peculiar way, with this understanding of humility.Pozycja Rigorism and Moral Laxity in Early Christian Heritical Movements Based on "Diversarum hereseon liber" of Philastrius of BresciaSzram, Mariusz (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 2017)The objective of the article is to illustrate the two extremes represented by the broad assortment of movements: the ascetic rigorism and moral laxity. The primary source of text is the first Latin catalogue of heresies, written between 380 and 388 by the Bishop of Brescia, Philastrius. The source selection was dictated on twofold grounds. The treaty contains the most numerous descriptions of heretical groups, yet at the same time is the least known of its kind. The information enclosed in Philastrius’ work, summarized in a comparative manner with the descriptions found in other patristic catalogues of heresy – by Epiphanius, Theodoret of Cyrus, John Damascene, Augustine and Isidore of Seville – lead to the following conclusions: 1) for the most part heretical movements followed the ascetic radicalism, motivated most habitually by an exaggerated literal exegesis of the biblical texts (eg. Gnostics, Encratites, Discalced); 2) the few of the laxative-approach movements operated on moral promiscuity (eg. Simonians, Carpocratians, Symmachians), the extent of which is difficult to assess due to the raised issues with the objectivity of Philastrius’ work – undermined by the use of invectives and the apologetic attitude of the author employed in order to defend the orthodox doctrine and morals; 3) paradoxically, there existed also groups that combined inconsistently promiscuity with the elements of asceticism (eg. Borborites, Adamites).Pozycja Rygoryzm i laksyzm moralny we wczesnochrześcijańskich ruchach heretyckich na podstawie „Diversarum hereseon liber” Filastriusza z BresciiSzram, Mariusz (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 2017)Celem artykułu jest ukazanie dwóch skrajnych postaw, reprezentowanych przez różne wczesnochrześcijańskie ruchy heretyckie: rygoryzmu ascetycznego i rozwiązłości moralnej. Głównym tekstem źródłowym jest pierwszy łaciński katalog herezji, napisany między rokiem 380 a 388 przez biskupa Brescii Filastriusza. Wybór źródła został podyktowany dwoma powodami. Traktat ten zawiera opis największej ilości ugrupowań heretyckich, a równocześnie jest najmniej znany. Informacje zawarte w dziele Filastriusza, zestawione porównawczo z opisami zawartymi w innych patrystycznych katalogach herezji – Epifaniusza, Teodoreta z Cyru, Jana Damasceńskiego, Augustyna i Izydora z Sewilli – prowadzą do następujących wniosków: 1. większość ruchów heretyckich kierowała się radykalizmem ascetycznym, motywowanym najczęściej przesadnie literalną egzegezą tekstów biblijnych (np. gnostycy, enkratyci, bezsandałowi); 2. nieliczne ruchy o podejściu laksystycznym kierowały się rozwiązłością moralną (np. szymonianie, karpokratianie, symmachianie), której rozmiary trudno jednoznacznie ocenić, ponieważ obiektywizm przekazu Filastriusza został osłabiony przez stosowanie inwektywy i nastawienie apologetyczne autora, mające na celu obronę ortodoksyjnej doktryny i moralności; 3. istniały również ugrupowania, które w paradoksalny sposób łączyły rozwiązłość z elementami ascetyzmu (np. borborianie, adamianie).Pozycja „Słodkie imię miłosierdzia”. Cezariańska koncepcja dialogu miłosierdzia niebiańskiego z ziemskimSzram, Mariusz (Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II, 2003)Pozycja Stoicka interpretacja etymologiczna imion i przydomków bogów rzymskich w relacji i ocenie CyceronaSzram, Mariusz (Wydawnictwo Towarzystwa Naukowego Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego, 1997)The paper shows the Stoic doctrine on the semantic and morphological origin of words with reference to the names of the Roman deities and their nicknames which accompanied those names. The basic source of this doctrine we find in paragraphs 45-80 of Book II and 38-65 o f Book III of Cicero’ s work De natura deorum. According to Stoics, the names of gods are connected with a concrete material reality, through which a deity acts (e.g. Diana - dies; Ceres - the Greek ge) or with abstract concepts, pointing to certain states and behaviours which a given deity introduces (e.g. Virtus, Concordia, Libertas). The nicknames define the role gods played towards man and the world, and express their specific characteristics. Both the names and nicknames are derived mainly form verbs and adjectives. Cicero, through the mouth of the academic Kotty, evaluates the Stoic etymologies with skepticism as lacking scientific approach and based on loose associations. They are, however, an important source of knowledge about the scope of influence different Roman gods imparted, and constitute one of the first documents about linguistic interests.Pozycja Teologiczne i filozoficzne uzasadnienie zmartwychwstania ciała u ojców apostolskich i apologetówSzram, Mariusz (Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawła II, 2009)Most of the works of the Church Fathers and apologists contain a citique of the views of the Docetist or pagan debaters who reject the Ressurrection. Apart from the main theological argument which is the ressurrection of Christ, in writings of this period, arguments refer to the Incamation of the Logos as the event giving the human body exceptional dignity, as well as stressing the role of God the Father as the author of the new creation in the final age, who will once again show His creative strength (Clemens of Alexandria, Ignatius of Antioch). In the mid-II century, the authors of "Pastor" and the "Letter of Pseudo-Bamabas" draw attention to the spiritual and moral condition of the return of the entire person to life. They emphasize that those people who "maintain their bodies in purity" ‒ meaning being faithful in earthly life to Christ, will receive this, understood as a spiritual resurrection. After the middle of the II century, there appeared an almost general in the surviving Christian writings (Justin, Pseudo-Justin) anthropological dualism coming from Platonism which appeared in stressing that a person is composed of an immortal soul and a mortal body, but this relationship is not commented on more fully. This will become a domain of treaties about the Resurrection written at the tum of the II and III centuries, which on account of its apologetical assumptions will have to adjust to Greek debating anthropology which attacks the doctrine of Christians, as well on account of accepting unavoidable ‒ from the point of view of accommodating ‒ the missionary trial of expressing main truths of the Christian faith with the help of Greek philosophy. The first expression of applying such an attitucle is the treaty "On the Ressurrection of the Deceased" of Atenagoras.