Studia Theologica Varsaviensia, 1978, R. 16, nr 1
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Pozycja Pierwszy międzynarodowy kongres koptologiczny w Kairze (9-18 XII 1976 r.)Gołgowski, Tadeusz (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Corpus Hermeticum IV. Wstęp, przekład z greckiego, komentarzMyszor, Wincenty (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Seminarium historyków Kościoła w Sandomierzu (14-15 IV 1977 r.)Krahel, Tadeusz (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Angelo Tosato, Il matrimonio nel giudaismo antico e nel Nuovo Testamento, Roma 1976, Città Nouva Editrice, ss. 118.Rychlicki, Czesław (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Nabożeństwo do św. Abu Tarabu. Wstęp, przekład z arabskiego, komentarzDembski, Wojciech (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Waldemar Molinski, Theologie der Ehe in der Geschichte, Aschaffenburg 1976 ss. 246.Marcol, Alojzy (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Christian Duquoc, Jésus, Homme libre. Esquisse d’une christologie, Paris 1974, Cerf, ss. 135.Rusecki, Marian (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Cudowne uzdrowienia a wiarogodność chrześcijaństwaHładowski, Władysław (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Achille M. Triacca – Giovanni Pianazzi, Realtà e valori del sacramento del matrimonio (Convegno di aggiornamento, Roma, Facoltà di Teologia della Università Pontificia Salesiana, 1-4 novembre 1975), Roma 1976 ss. XVI, 455.Rychlicki, Czesław (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja „Encyklopedii katolickiej” tom drugiMoysa, Stefan (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Działalność sekcji historii Kościoła w latach 1964-1977Urban, Wincenty (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Mistyka Al-Halladża (858-922 r.) w perspektywie dialogu Kościoła z islamemDajczer, Dajczer (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)There may be distinguished three principal approaches of man to the Absolute: theism, pantheism and non-theism, and accordingly we may speak about three types of mysticism: the mysticism of unification, that of identity and that of the simple liberation. The latter occurs when the reaching of the Absolute is convergent with a negative moment of the mysticism i. e. the liberation from the relative (the case of the primitive Buddhism). The mysticism of identity is linked with a panthestic approach to the Absolute. In Brahmanism, it occurs, in the form of panentheism. The theistic approach underlies the mysticism of unification, God being transcendent and personal, distinct from the world and experiencing man (Christianity, Islam). Al-Hallaj (858-922) is the principal representative of the mysticism of unification in Islam. The atmosphere in which he lived and preached his message of love to God was extremely unfavorable, since Islam tended to consider God as being, not only inaccessible, but also beyond any human participation, as having revealed his Word without revealing himself. Al-Hallaj carried the doctrine of unification with Allah to the point where his mystical exclamations and „theopatic locutions” caused scandal and were regarded as blasphemous. On account of the vehemence with which he kept insisting on the doctrine of the mutual love between God and the creature, he encountered increasing opposition and persecution until in the end he was put to death. He was flogged, mutilated, exposed on a gibbet, and finally decapitated and burned. He died calling God’s mercy on the executioners who were cutting off his hands and feet. In his mystical doctrine, al-Hallaj proclaimed the primacy of love. He called isolation or aloneness (lairid in Arabic) the culmination of enstasy in the experience of „fulfilled possession”, which was a product of total absorption or „extinction” in the divine Absolute (fana in Arabic). The next step, however, toward unification in God was the complete suppression of isolation followed by outward movement toward the depths of the „totally Other” (ecstasy). Al-H allaj discovered certain specific Christian tenets such as the crucifying aspect of unitive love, together with the intercessory value of the suffering implied by this love. Louis Massignon (1863-1962), a prominent French scholar and humanist, exemplifies in an outstanding way the effects of the mutual deep acquaintance in the way of the religious dialogue, the good influence an alien religion may have. He was powerfully attracted – during his archaeological work – by the personality of al-Hallaj and certain curious parallelisms between the Baghdad mystic and Jesus, and was brought back to his Christian faith lost during the adolescence crisis. A mysticism modelled on that of al-Hallaj and yet also deeply Christian came to occupy the Centre of his life, and as a married man he was ordained priest of the Greek Catholic rite. The presentation of the personality and the mystic way of al-Hallaj – in the Islamo-Christian dialogue – may make Christians more sensitive to the spiritual possibilities of other religions and to the elements of Truth and Grace that exist in them.Pozycja Geneza chrześcijańskiej kultury syryjskiejWitakowski, Witold (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)The present article deals with problems connected with ethnogenesis of the Christian Syriac culture and its beginnings as well as the early development of the Syriac Churches up to the Islamic invasion. The continuity of Aramaic ethnos of the antiquity and Syriac one of Middle Ages is emphasized. As a proof of this continuity in spite of the change of ethnonyms a short history of Aramaic language is given of which the Syriac is one of the dialects. A brief character of the Syriac writing is added. The following part of the article concerns the historical background of the Aramaic people beginning from their appearance in Near East, the period of their expansion and linguistical diffusion among other Near East peoples (mostly of Semitic origin) up to the end of the I millenium B.C. when several Aramaic principalities were created. Out of them Osroene proved to be the most important as its dialect raised to the literary language of the whole Aramaic speaking Christianity. Osroene, of which Edessa was a capital, was ruled by the dynasty of Abgarids and period of its independence covers the years 132 B.C.-214 A.D. when it was incorporated directly to the Roman Empire. This situation lasted to the Arab conquest. Next the most probable period and way of introducing of Christianity to Edessa is discussed. The Christianization of Edessa should be ascribed rather to the activity of Judeochristians than that of Hellenochristians. This conjecture is made probable thanks to such premises like similarity or identity of languages used by Judeochristians and the people beeing christianized, Jewish-tincted character of the early Syriac Christianity, the role played by the Jews in Syriac semilegendary accounts concerning the introducing of the Christianity into Edessa, the patterns the Judeochristians might have adopted following the proselytizing Jewish movement of the period, etc. Thereafter the most important facts of the early Christian Syriac culture are given e.g. translations of New Testament, literary activity being mainly the product of the school of Edessa, monastic movement. The christological controversies of the 5th century are treated as most bearing for the further history of Syriac Christianity. In connection with Nestorian controversy a short history of the Christianity in Mesopotamia is given. The persecuted in Roman Empire Nestorians who fled to Mesopotamia, then under Persian rule, exerted so great impact on the theology of the Persian Church (also Syriac speaking) that it turned to Nestordaniem. The Nestorians were very active in missionary enterprises especially in Central Asia, some of Turkish and Mongol tribes were converted to Christianity. The fortunes of the adherents of the Monophysitism, who were numerous in Syria depended on the attitude towards them taken by the emperors. In the middle of the 6th cent, however an independent Monophysite hierarchy was established, mostly due to the activities of Jacob Baradai and after him this Church is called Jacobite. The division of Syriac Christianity into three Churches (Nestorian, Jacobite and Orthodox, i.e. that of the followers of Chalcedon) proved to be stable also under Muslim rule. The Syriac culture though not entirely the original one was the medium by which the Arabs got acquainted with the cultural legacy of antiquity.Pozycja Dar Marcina Glicjusza dla biblioteki parafialnej w PilźnieWyczawski, Hieronim E. (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Jan Rzepa, Schematyzm diecezji tarnowskiej na rok 1977 [Kraków 1977], Kuria Diecezjalna w Tarnowie, ss. 754, nlb. 2. – Schematyzm diecezji tarnowskiej na rok 1977. Zdjęcia i ilustracje [Kraków 1977], Kuria Diecezjalna w Tarnowie, ss. 32, k. nlb. 70 z 290 ilustracjami.Wyczawski, Hieronim E. (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Trynitarny charakter życia łaski według M. SchmausaWilski, Teofil (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Współczesna a patrystyczna interpretacja Rz 8,19Bartnicki, Roman (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)It is very difficult to decide w hat is the meaning of ktisis in Ro 8:19. Contemporary exegets attach different meanings to this word. In classical Greek and hellenistic and Biblical Greek this word was not synonymous and could have different meanings. That is why it is impossible to discover its exact sense on the basis of classical and hellenistic literature. It seems that a study of the texts of Fathers of Church could be useful in order to resolve this problem because they lived not long after the New Testament period and understood better these texts. The Apostolic Fathers wrote nothing directly regarding the text Ro 8:19. In other of their writings ktisis means: all creation, all people, all creation except the angel and the devil, rational beings, irrational beings, the angels and righteous people, the apostles and the doctors, all creation except the devil. Apologists were the first writers who were interested in the text Ro 8:19. They understood ktisis in the sense of: irrational beings or all creation. The Eastern Fathers of the Church were not in agreement as regards Ro 8:19. Most of them understood ktisis in the meaning of irrational beings or all creation. Others gave to this word the meaning of: all creation except the devil, all creation except the people and the devil, unliving beings. The "Western Fathers of the Church gave different meanings to this word as well. They understood ktisis in the sense of: all creation, irrational beings, all people, only righteous people. They were rather independent of the Eastern Fathers in their thoughts and arguments. Although the study of the texts of Fathers of Church does not definitely resolve the meaning of creature in Ro 8:19, it demonstrates that this substantive was understood by the Fathers of the Church mostly as irrational beings. It seems that this text of saint Paul should be understood as an announcement of the participation of all nature in the glory of mankind.Pozycja Magisterium Kościoła wobec nowych interpretacji dogmatu grzechu pierworodnegoŁukaszuk, Tadeusz (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Funkcje świeckich we wspólnocie Kościoła w świetle dokumentów soboru watykańskiego IIStraszewicz, Marzenna (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)Pozycja Eulogia w Liście do EfezjanSuski, Andrzej (Akademia Teologii Katolickiej w Warszawie. Wydział Teologiczny, 1978)