Roczniki Teologii Fundamentalnej i Religiologii, 2009, T. 1 (56)

Stały URI dla kolekcjihttps://theo-logos.pl/handle/123456789/9912

Przeglądaj

Przeglądaj Roczniki Teologii Fundamentalnej i Religiologii, 2009, T. 1 (56) wg Data wydania

Przejdź do miejsca w indeksie
Teraz wyświetlane 1 - 16 z 16
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
    Metody badawcze stosowane w pracach dyplomowych z etnologii religii
    Kupisiński, Zdzisław (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)
    The present article explains the concept of the research method, what such a method is in the general meaning, then it presents those research methods that are most frequently used in writing master’s and doctoral dissertations in ethnology of religion that undertake issues connected with folk religiousness. In dissertations such methods, among others, are used, as the method of ethnographic field research, the method of analysis and critique of writings, the comparative method and the theological method. Most attention was devoted to the ethnographic method, because ethnology is not included in the curriculum of theological studies. Due to the complexity of the subject of research, that is of religion, it requires a multi-faceted approach, so that its essence as well as the rites and rituals that are performed in it can be properly understood.
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
    Kultura moralna w świetle nauki Soboru Watykańskiego II
    Krzyszowski, Zbigniew (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)
    From the beginning of its existence the Church watched the moral side of the human condition. The years preceding the Vatican Council II were marked by a progressing crisis of moral culture; hence undertaking this issue was an urgent need for the Council Fathers. Moral theology of that period, with its casuistry and the individualist concept of morality seemed to have only a slight influence on Christian life. The aim of the Council intervention in the domain of morality was not only a moral revival of the human person, but first of all presentation of the communal aspects of morality. The subject of analyses in the present article is the issue of diagnosis of the state of moral culture in the doctrine of the Vatican Council II and showing the role of the Church in the forming of the moral good and the norms of universal morality in the post-Council period as a certain dialog between the Church and the modern moral culture.
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
    Wtórny pogrzeb u plemienia Bimonkpom ludu Konkomba z Ghany
    Zimoń, Henryk (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)
    The Konkomba, like other African peoples, do period finishes with the secondary funeral, which lasts five to seven days. In a very expansive village of Sambul, including as many as 10 lineages and comprising about 95 homesteads, the secondary funeral took place simultaneously in eight lineages. The paper presents and analyses the secondary funeral in the lineage of Mpwando, where the author took part. This funeral lasted six days and was held between 26 April and 1 May, 1991. Comparing this secondary funeral of the Bimonkpom tribe in the village of Sambul with three secondary funerals of the Bichabob tribe in the villages of Nalongni, Sobib and Kumawateek, both similarities and certain differences can be observed in a number of customs and rites. Because of a large number of deceased people only in Sambul, divination rites were held on the second and third days. However, as a custom, divination on the third day in Sambul was more important, which confirms the significance of this day for divination among the Konkomba. A complete novelty in Sambul was visiting the market place by widows and accompanying persons in the evening of the third day. In the village of Sambul the widows did not visit the farm in the bush belonging to the oldest man or other older men, which is done in the tribes of Bichabob and Nakpantiib. In the tribes of Bimonkpom, Binalob and Bigbem, the widows visit the farm of the oldest man a few days after the burial. Shooting at a pole and a rooster in Sambul closes exceptionally the secondary funeral. Among the Bichabob the presentation and division of personal belongings of the deceased old men always ends the secondary funeral. The costly celebration of the secondary funeral, which requires a substantial financial spending on food and beer, is held in each lineage of Sambul every few years in remembrance of all who died since the last secondary funeral. It is only after the secondary funeral that a dead old man (or an old woman) can attain the dignity of an ancestor and his property (land, wives, sacred objects and power) is inherited and taken over via the mediation of the oldest member of the lineage by the dead person’s relatives who are his lineal descendants, that is brothers and sons, according to the principle of primogeniture. The secondary funeral finishes the transitory period of uncertainty, opens the way for the dead to the ancestors’ realm and confirms that older men and women have achieved the dignity of ancestors. From that time on, the Konkomba recall the deceased men and women together with other ancestors in the rituals that have home, lineage, clan and supraclan character performed in different life situations. In an attitude of respect and trust, they try – through their prayers and offerings – to gain the support and favour of the ancestors, who – as mediators between god Uwumbor and the living – take an active part in the life of the community and influence the fate of the living. The performance of different rites and symbolical activities of the secondary funeral emphasizes that the dead and the community change their roles and functions. The dead person is transformed from somebody who threatens the community to its guardian as a member of the invisible community of the dead. The secondary funeral ultimately finishes the mourning period after the dead, it confirms triumph of the community over death, emphasizes the value of life and leads the community through the hard crisis caused by the death of its members. Besides, the secondary funeral integrates the ethnic groups, helps the living people to accept the new status, and introduces them into the normal relations with the relatives and other people.not consider the fact of death as immediate and final nor the dead person as either living or finally dead. Among the Konkomba, this transitory period between burial and secondary funeral lasts three or four years. The transitory period finishes with the secondary funeral, which lasts five to seven days. In a very expansive village of Sambul, including as many as 10 lineages and comprising about 95 homesteads, the secondary funeral took place simultaneously in eight lineages. The paper presents and analyses the secondary funeral in the lineage of Mpwando, where the author took part. This funeral lasted six days and was held between 26 April and 1 May, 1991. Comparing this secondary funeral of the Bimonkpom tribe in the village of Sambul with three secondary funerals of the Bichabob tribe in the villages of Nalongni, Sobib and Kumawateek, both similarities and certain differences can be observed in a number of customs and rites. Because of a large number of deceased people only in Sambul, divination rites were held on the second and third days. However, as a custom, divination on the third day in Sambul was more important, which confirms the significance of this day for divination among the Konkomba. A complete novelty in Sambul was visiting the market place by widows and accompanying persons in the evening of the third day. In the village of Sambul the widows did not visit the farm in the bush belonging to the oldest man or other older men, which is done in the tribes of Bichabob and Nakpantiib. In the tribes of Bimonkpom, Binalob and Bigbem, the widows visit the farm of the oldest man a few days after the burial. Shooting at a pole and a rooster in Sambul closes exceptionally the secondary funeral. Among the Bichabob the presentation and division of personal belongings of the deceased old men always ends the secondary funeral. The costly celebration of the secondary funeral, which requires a substantial financial spending on food and beer, is held in each lineage of Sambul every few years in remembrance of all who died since the last secondary funeral. It is only after the secondary funeral that a dead old man (or an old woman) can attain the dignity of an ancestor and his property (land, wives, sacred objects and power) is inherited and taken over via the mediation of the oldest member of the lineage by the dead person’s relatives who are his lineal descendants, that is brothers and sons, according to the principle of primogeniture. The secondary funeral finishes the transitory period of uncertainty, opens the way for the dead to the ancestors’ realm and confirms that older men and women have achieved the dignity of ancestors. From that time on, the Konkomba recall the deceased men and women together with other ancestors in the rituals that have home, lineage, clan and supraclan character performed in different life situations. In an attitude of respect and trust, they try – through their prayers and offerings – to gain the support and favour of the ancestors, who – as mediators between god Uwumbor and the living – take an active part in the life of the community and influence the fate of the living. The performance of different rites and symbolical activities of the secondary funeral emphasizes that the dead and the community change their roles and functions. The dead person is transformed from somebody who threatens the community to its guardian as a member of the invisible community of the dead. The secondary funeral ultimately finishes the mourning period after the dead, it confirms triumph of the community over death, emphasizes the value of life and leads the community through the hard crisis caused by the death of its members. Besides, the secondary funeral integrates the ethnic groups, helps the living people to accept the new status, and introduces them into the normal relations with the relatives and other people.
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
    Sprawozdanie z działalności Instytutu Teologii Fundamentalnej KUL
    Krzyszowski, Zbigniew (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
    Der Glaube der Lebuser und pommerschen Stämme im 12. Jahrhundert
    Gręś, Stanisław (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)
    Pomorze Zachodnie, do którego należała Ziemia Lubuska, było centrum pogaństwa słowiańskiego. Rugia była stolicą pogaństwa, a Swarożyc naczelnym bożkiem. Na podstawie przeprowadzonych wykopalisk na terenie Głogowa i okolic znamy pozostałości mieszkań ludzkich ze średniowiecza. Zachowały się skorupy i resztki żywności, kości zwierząt, a także materiał opałowy (drewno dębowe). Kapłani pogańscy sprawowali kult albo kierowali czynnościami kultowymi, strzegli też miejsc kultu. W dużych świątyniach było kilku kapłanów, a w małych świętych gajach tylko jeden. Czczenie bożka było ograniczone do terenu plemienia i zamkniętej wspólnoty. Przed wyruszeniem na podbój zanoszono prośby do bóstwa, a po zwycięstwie składano ofiary dziękczynne. Składano też opłaty na rzecz bóstwa Światowida – nawet król duński wysłał Światowidowi złoty kielich na znak swej czci. Kapłani pogańscy mieli duży wpływ na swoich władców, życie społeczne i religijne oraz na rozstrzyganie różnych spraw. Chrześcijaństwo najwcześniej przyjęto w południowej Polsce, a dopiero w XII w. na Pomorzu Zachodnim. Pogaństwo oraz zwyczaje i praktyki pogańskie istniały jednak przez wiele lat. Niszczono co było chrześcijańskie, mordowano duchownych i świeckich chrześcijan. Władcy, którzy przyjęli chrześcijaństwo, obdarowywali dobrami podwładnych, a karali śmiercią tych, którzy nie porzucili obrzędów pogańskich. Podobnie postępował Bolesław Krzywousty (1086-1138). Poganie oddawali cześć bóstwom i duchom, rzekom, drzewom przez modlitwę i składanie ofiar. Modlitwa była prośba, a ofiara, jak pożywienie czy schronienie, dziękczynieniem za otrzymane dobro. Polskie pogaństwo rozpoczęło budowę świątyń na przełomie XI i XII w. Pomimo że Polska przyjęła chrześcijaństwo dużo wcześniej, to wpływy pogańskie w tym okresie były bardzo silne. Misjonarze, władze duchowne i świeckie w XII w. przygotowywali pogan do przyjęcia chrześcijaństwa i tępili kult starych bogów. Poganie stawiali opór szerzącej się religii chrześcijańskiej. W 1106 poganie z Pomorza napadli na Bolesława Krzywoustego (1086-1138), który przybył na uroczystości poświęcenia kościoła na Ziemi Lubuskiej. To on przywrócił polskie panowanie nad Pomorzem i Ziemią Lubuską oraz dokonał ich chrystianizacji, utrzymując niezależność Kościoła polskiego na tych terenach. Ok. 1123 utworzono w Lubiążu biskupstwo (sufragania Poznania). Na Łysej Górze kult pogański trwa do drugiej połowy XII w. Kościół w Lubiążu powstał w 1150 r. na miejscu świątyni pogańskiej. Świątynia pogańska pod Jaworem przetrwała do 1168 r. Natomiast pogaństwo na Pomorzu Zachodnim zaginęło na skutek zwycięstwa Duńczyków w 1168 r., a świątynia Światowida została doszczętnie zniszczona. Bolesław Krzywousty narzucił chrześcijaństwo Pomorzanom. W XII w. zaczęły na Pomorzu szerzyć się herezje średniowieczne i działalność sekty bogumiłów.
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
    Eklezjologia fundamentalna. Zagadnienia metodologiczne
    Kaucha, Krzysztof (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)
    In this article one can find the methodological sketch of Fundamental Ecclesiology, in particular: the former lines of this discipline, main concepts, side' sciences, subject, goal and functions and, particularly, methods. This sketch is based on mostly Polish literature which is not ‘large’ but consists important solutions. These solutions ought to be unifed which was one of the aims of this article. The other one was to offer some new propositions, in particular: Fundamental Ecclesiology as Integral Ecclesiology, closer unification of the subjects of Fundamental Ecclesiology and Fundamental Christology and the proper methods of Fundamental Ecclesiology. Trying to use more proper methods some new inspirations found in John Paul II’s teaching could help. In His teaching there is a sketch of three new methods useful in Fundamental Ecclesiology: historical-revelational, contextual-revelational and extracontextual-revelational.
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
    Tradycja w funkcji przekazu objawienia
    Rusecki, Marian; Salamon, Dariusz (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)
    The aim of his article was to show the meaning of the Christian Tradition in the Transfer of Divine Revelation. Due to it the Revelation is transferred into history. The Tradition is means for it. The Transfer of the Revelation in tradition is performed with reference to work and God’s words. As said, that each supernatural Revelation is realized in the form of God’s action, which accompanies word. As a form of Revelation this God’s action in a way exists in the Church transferring and realizing it. The Tradition does not reveal new contents, does not add something to the Divine Revelation, but it makes public and makes present, what has been revealed in Christ practice. This way, The Divine Revelation is present in the Tradition.
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
    Jezus jako „syn Marii” w Koranie
    Maszkowski, Robert (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)
    The title „Son of Mary”, depicted in the article, belongs to the most early and the most popular qualifications of Jesus in the Koran. It appears 23 times independently as well as in the combination with other titles and qualifications of Jesus. It characterizes his biography and includes a theological message. Its use is related not only to the presentation of Jesus’ person and life, but was useful in Mohammed’s polemic with christians and jews. The Koran’s monotheism and the person of Mary strengthen the human nature of Jesus which is emphasized in the title „Son of Mary”. Both Allah’s creating word and extraordinary conception, the birth of Jesus as well as the exceptionality of Mary and her son are involved to the essence of the title in three mentioned aspects: biographical, theological and polemical. Jesus as „Son of Mary” was a historical figure; who was wanted by Allah; who came into being in an extraordinary way; who realized with devotion the mission, the essential part of which was the part of mother. The virginal conception and birth of Jesus as miraculous action of God is neither the proof of Jesus’ deity nor of Allah’s fatherhood. According to the Koran Jesus is and remains the real man as well as the only and exceptional „Son of Mary”.
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
    Zbawianie świata. Biblijne i nie-biblijne rozumienie sacrum
    Stanek, Teresa (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)
    One of the problems of contemporary society is the understanding of sacrum its place and meaning for the common day life. This article presents two sources that distinguishing sacrum / profanum in space and time entered into culture of the European society. The source of separating space into sacred and profane is the religiosity that is based on observation of nature. The source of separating time into this two spheres is the biblical religion. In the European culture this dual perception was introduced through Christianity (biblical tradition and metaphysics). The way how this perception functions in daily life reveals not only the attitude towards religion but above all projects on the understanding of dignity of a person.
  • Miniatura
    Pozycja
    Obecność i znaczenie myślenia komplementarnego we współczesnej refleksji teologicznej
    Słupek, Roman (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)
    A review of contemporary theological publications that concern a variety of different issues lets one notice a certain regularity, i.e. frequent referring to complementary thinking or the principle of complementarity in the theological reflection. In the present article first the fact is shown that referring to complementary thinking has a significant effect on the quality and versatility of theological thinking. Complementarity that is a fruit of the Church’s Catholic character may be a way of reaching the Catholic fullness and a peculiar antidote against the threat of reducing all the wealth of the mystery of faith to some individual aspect only. In the second part a distinct presence of complementary thinking in various areas of the contemporary theological reflection is pointed to.