Scripta Biblica et Orientalia
Stały URI zbioruhttps://theo-logos.pl/handle/123456789/6731
Scripta Biblica et Orientalia to czasopismo naukowe poświęcone badaniom starożytnego Bliskiego Wschodu ze szczególnym uwzględnieniem starożytnego Izraela. Jest rocznikiem ukazującym się dzięki współpracy Katolickiego Uniwersytetu Lubelskiego Jana Pawła II, Uniwersytetu Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego oraz Uniwersytetu Warszawskiego. Publikuje prace z różnych dziedzin, które pomagają w zrozumieniu różnorodnego świata starożytnego Lewantu, pisane zarówno przez historyków, jak i biblistów, archeologów oraz filologów, historyków sztuki czy też antropologów kultury.
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Pozycja Sprawozdanie z konferencji: „Życie codzienne i obyczaje w starożytnym Izraelu”, Kraków, 16-17 września 2009Münnich, Maciej (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)Pozycja Conservatism and Innovation in the Hebrew Language of the Hellenistic Period. Proceedings of a Fourth International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls & Ben Sira (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 74), ed. Jan Joosten, Jean-Sébastien Rey, Leiden – Boston: Brill 2008, ss. 250.Muchowski, Piotr (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)Pozycja Rok SzabatowyLipiński, Edward (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)The biblical legislation of the sabbatical year (Ex. 21:2-6 and 23:10-11; Lev. 25:1-7,18-22; Deut. 15:1-18) initially called on farmers to let the fields fallow every seventh year and on creditors to let unsolvable debtors go free after having served six years. Its purpose was agricultural and social. This legislation is anchored in ancient traditions and practices, partly paralleled in Mesopotamia, as shown mainly by royal decrees from the Old Babylonian period. Its actual observance is not attested in Israel, while Jer. 34,8-22 shows that the manumission of enslaved Judaeans was not put into practice, even when their emancipation was solemnly proclaimed. Neh. 10:32 records the post-Exilic community’s firm agreement to suspend agricultural work every seventh year and to forgo all debts, as commanded in the “Law of God”. The remission of debts was later circumvented by the prosbol practice, but a fallow seventh year was observed until the Roman times.Pozycja Epoka Hasmoneuszy w świetle manuskryptów znad Morza MartwegoDąbrowa, Edward (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)The aim of paper is to evaluate historical references related to the Hasmoneans hidden in the Dead Sea Scrolls. The subject has already been discussed several times. Usually conclusions are rather positive because scholars try to see these references in light of the Flavius Josephus’ works. Author tried to look at the documents as an independent source on the contemporary history. Evaluated from this perspective the Dead Sea Scrolls cannot be treated as the historical documents providing us valuable information about the Hasmonean period.Pozycja Zapiski króla Ezechiasza: Iz 38,9-20 na tle ugaryckich tekstów królewskichToboła, Łukasz (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)This paper presents the discussion on the philological and literary problems connected with authorship of the text Isa 38:9-20, which is attributed to Hezekiah, the king of Judah. The Masoretic text of Isa 38:9-20 contains many problematic readings, including a probable errors in not reflecting an archaic grammar, hapax legomenon words, misused idioms and confused letters. The accumulation of curiosities is unusually high in these twelve verses. I consider the diffi cult readings in the MT as pointing to the work of a semiliterate rather than a learned scribe whose words became confused in transmission. There is some evidence that the ancient Near Eastern kings have been able to write and even compose poetic texts. The Psalm of Hezekiah can be compared with the Ugaritic prayer to Baal (KTU 1.119), which was probably composed by the one of the Ugaritic kings. In such a context, it is quite possible, that Hezekiah created the original version of Isa 38:10-20 by himself and in his own hand (compare, the Qumranic tradition, preserved in 1QIsaa).Pozycja Księga Jonasza jako element dyskusji nad założeniami reformy Państwa Izraelskiego w okresie perskimBriks, Piotr (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)Pozycja Prawa dotyczące wojny w Pwt 20Szmajdziński, Mariusz (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)The Book of Deuteronomy is a collection of diff erent laws and regulations given to the people by God through Moses. Rightly, no part of human life is omitted in this book. Except for the fundamental law, like the Decalogue, regulations concerning cult and public life are also found here, both in the social as well as the private dimension. Therefore, norms regulating casus belli are not lacking. The purpose of this work is to discuss particular law regulations appearing in this chapter. The analysis, which has been made, allows one to make a few observations regarding the rights which concern war in Deut 20. Firstly, looking at the entire chapter, it can be observed that the main attention is concentrated on Yahweh. He is presented not so much as law Giver, but as He who is the main, or more precisely the only, Organizer. A battle, or all of the war campaign, is prepared and managed only by God, not the king. It seems that God substitutes for him. So the text of Deut 20 shows Yahweh’s kingliness. The analyzed chapter confirms the Israelites in faith that Yahweh Himself will fight and only He will achieve victory over their enemies. Secondly, the appropriate attitude of the Israelites, as the people of the victorious King, is faith in Him. It can be said that faith is their basic weapon. The Israelites should go with faith to fight. Thirdly, the Israelites have to be very consistent in their activity. Yahweh, who fights instead of them and gives their enemies with their entire cities into their hand, is waiting for the same attitude from His people. So, if Yahweh gives some city with its entire possessions to them, they should posses it entirely. Everything is their property. However, if God demands that a city be dedicated entirely to Him, then the Israelites also have to be obedient in this case. The difference between the cities in the Promised Land and those outside it has a very important meaning. The Israelites can take possession of everything that is outside Canaan. In the others words, they can possess what is foreign. It is different with the Canaanites’ cities. In this case Yahweh firmly commanded the Israelites to subject them to the law of herem. In the practical sense this entailed their total annihilation. In this case the practice of herem should be seen as the purification of the Promised Land from all abominations which lead to idolatry. The Israelites, as the people of the Holy God, have to purify their land in this way. Then, they can protect themselves from idolatry and live safely. These conclusions have a religious character, a certain “theology” which is taken from the message of Deut 20. However, this chapter also presents very important regulations in social matters, though they are not entirely separated from religious elements. It is important because these rules set the Chosen People in very concrete realities and allow them to function in the earthly dimension. Firstly, a very well regulated division of duties needs to be observed. Law regulations are given in the narrative one by one: the priest, officials (scribes), and the chiefs of the army are presented one after another. Their duties among the Israelites are also shown. It is very important the roles of these leaders do not overlap with each other. The regulations concerning their functions are arranged in such a way that the rights of a subsequent leader start when the previous one is finished. Moreover, the action of individual leaders “narrows” a circle of people who will go out to war. Secondly, another regulation concerning social rules in Deut 20 is the exemptions from military service. Though there are only three such cases (leaving aside those who leave the army because of their fear), it might provide many men of a young age with the chance of remaining at house. These exemptions (the building of a new house, the planting of a vineyard or a marriage) allowed one to complete work which had been started. In this way, it provided private property (one of the basic natural laws) and also enabled a man to fully enjoy his marriage or to possess something new (a house, a vineyard). Thirdly, rights concerning war in Deut 20 have a very strong theocentric character. God is among His people and acts on their behalf. At the same time, these rights respect human realities, for example fear before a battle, the division of duties, the necessity of keeping one’s own property. Thanks to this fact it could be enforced in the daily life of the Chosen People. This religious-social character of Deut 20 remains in concord with the entire body of laws presented in the Book of Deuteronomy.Pozycja Prawo boskie i prawo ludzkie. Sądownictwo starożytnego Izraela na tle praktyki mezopotamskiejNowicka, Dobromiła; Nowicki, Stefan (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)The aim of this article is to confront Biblical and Mesopotamian lawsuits in order to find similarities and differences between them. However there are many works about laws, only few of them concern trial rules and judicial proceedings as well. The research on this field is a bit problematic because of lack of sources telling us about trials. This article is based mainly on Pentateuch and Laws of Hammurabi as the main sources, while other Mesopotamian codes and the Old Testament’s books are only mentioned. Because of similarities in laws and traditions there are also some notes about Roman law as the base of contemporary judicial proceeding’s tradition, to show how old some principles of society living are. In my research I concluded, that Biblical and Mesopotamian trials are very similar, with only few differences. We can reconstruct it due to following stages: Trial started with accusation in front of an official, priest, old tribemen or judge (depend on times and circumstances), which must have been proved by accuser. The most important proof was the hearing of witnesses (at least two) or (especially in civil trial) written agreement. After proving guilty judges must have assisted the penalty execution, which could be corporal, financial (rather rare) or capital. We can also point out, that people often tried to change the judges’ decision by the means of various gifts. We don’t know it explicitly, however in our sources some bad judges’ behaviors are mentioned – changing the verdict after the end of the trial, unjust verdicts in favor of rich and well-established men and against poor, orphans, widows etc. As the effect of such research, a very short but important question occurs. Are this law traditions different, and we should try to find similarities between them, or maybe – does the Biblical and Mesopotamian law have the roots of the same tradition (Amorite’s?), and we should rather look for differences between them as signs of different ways of development?Pozycja Jezus wobec judaizmu i samarytanizmu w J 4,1-30.39-42Górka, Bogusław (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)The relationship between Jews and Samaritans (ethno-religious theme), and not the relationship between man and woman (personal theme), dominates John’s narrative in 4:1-30, 39-42, which appears already from the first answer of the Samaritan woman. On the one hand, the author showed system stereotypes in it, which make difficult recognizing Messiah in Jesus, on the other hand, some dominant features of the Judaic and Samaritan theology make this assignment easier. The talk near the well reflects the state of tension between Samaritanism and Judaism in a historical and cultural dimension. Jesus, who identifies himself with Judaism, looks at Judaism and Samaritanism as a Messiah, and he judges both systems from this position. Judaism from the perspective of Jesus’ Messianism appears to be in more advantageous situation than Samaritanism regarding both, former and future condition. It seems that Samaritans were not offended with Jesus’ assessment of the Samaritanism, because they reacted enthusiastically: they invited him to visit them, and honored him with a Messianic title soter tou theou.Pozycja Sprawozdanie z 47. Sympozjum Biblistów Polskich, Olsztyn, 22-24 września 2009Korzec, Cezary (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)Pozycja Optymizm moralny w Pierwszej Księdze PsalmówZaremba, Piotr (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)The title of the paper: “Moral Optimism in the Psalter’s Book I” summarizes an observation that the authors or redactors of some Psalms express an optimistic view on the moral condition of their nature. It is not to say that they did not notice their failures and shortcomings, or that they were not repentant for them. It is to say that there are instances where they were positively optimistic about their moral condition. The issue seems worth noting because of significance of the Psalms for one of the most important institutions of the Old Testament, which is prayer – in its both personal as well as cultic dimensions. The observations noted in the paper lead the author to five conclusions: An optimistic view on human moral condition (1) may mean that there is an individual righteousness – even though limited and contextualized – able to stand the scrutiny of God’s judgment; (2) may mean that positive characteristics of the righteous, the blameless and the guiltless are not to be thought of as purely theoretical; (3) may mean that trust and love toward God may have at least some aspect of adequacy; (4) balances the pessimistic view on a human being; (5) adds value to the dignity of a man.Pozycja Cmentarzysko qumrańskie w nowym świetle? Pogląd na aktualny stan badańKapera, Zdzisław (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)To sum up, my proposals presented at the New York congress on Khirbet Qumran in 1992 have been fulfilled for the most part. 1. We have two plans of the cemetery, but they differ in the number of tombs. 2. The lost anthropological skeletal material was found, but identifications of the deceased still differ. 3. DNA tests of bones have started. 4. Notes from R. de Vaux’s excavations diary were read by R. Donceel and finally published in an improved English version by S. Pfann. 5. Some more tombs (including a rare one, the Zinc Tomb) have been dug up. We are still on the threshold of a consensus concerning the Qumran cemetery. It seems that only opening a large part of the area with some hundred of tombs in regular excavations would help us to explain if it was really a sectarian cemetery or an ordinary contemporary, Second Temple poor cemetery with shaft tombs. Given what we know about such tombs in the Judaean Desert, Nabatea, Jericho and Jerusalem, the Qumran cemetery looks no more exceptional than does the Khirbet Qumran site itself. We are so very interested in the site and the cemetery only because of the incidental discovery of numerous manuscripts in their vicinity.Pozycja Retoryka opisów śmierci Heroda Agryppy ILorek, Piotr (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)Accounts of the last moments of the life of an individual, and his or her death itself inevitably incorporate an interpretatory dimension. This is caused by the selectiveness of the representation, in which some facts are emphasized and others, out of necessity, are ignored. Ancient historiography frequently undertook to note the decease of a monarch. A relation of the death of a king, who was a representative of one of the main social institutions, became an opportunity to state his importance, which in turn functions as a means of propagating specific values and worldviews, and a way to strengthen the identity of a given social group. Particular accounts of a ruler’s death thus contain a persuasive dimension, by which the authors argue their own version of events and perspective. This rhetoric may be observed in the selected descriptions of the decease of Herod Agrippa, a Jewish ruler from the 1st century AD. The Christian relation from the Acts of Apostles and the Jewish versions from Josephus with later reference to them by Eusebius of Caesarea will be discussed. This analysis will not attempt to reconstruct the real history of the last moments of Agrippa on the basis of differing accounts. It will rather aim at underlining the multiple means of persuasion employed by individual authors. The paper will also tough upon the phenomenon of auto persuasion of the reader. A contemporary reader comparing available descriptions of Herod’s death observes new connections between them, which provide the basis for new meanings not present individually in the sources themselves. Ultimately it turns out that it is not only the separate accounts which aim to convince, but also their juxtaposition by the reader which also contains a persuasive dimension.Pozycja Sprawozdanie z konferencji: „The Judeans in the Achaemenid Age: Negotiating Identity in an International Context”, Heidelberg, 13-16 kwietnia 2008Niesiołowski-Spanò, Łukasz (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)Pozycja Esseński ryt liturgiczny: modlitwy społecznościMuchowski, Piotr (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)The author describes the texts of Qumran that include community prayers. According to the approved classification, there are three groups of texts to be distinguished: 1) daily prayers and prayers concerned with festivals, 2) prayers concerned with Essenic ceremonies and hymns, 3) exorcisms. In the Conclusions, the author considers a number of research issues connected with the texts. These are mainly whether it is possible to reconstruct the liturgical rite of Essenes. The author further comments with distinctive features of these prayers and their relationship with the later rabbinic prayers.Pozycja Sprawozdanie z sympozjum: „Orfizm i jego recepcja w literaturze, sztuce i filozofii”, Nieborów, 21-24 października 2009Szmajdziński, Mariusz (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)Pozycja Reiner Kessler, The Social History of Ancient Israel. An Introduction, translated by L.M. Maloney, Minneapolis: Fortress Press 2008, ss. 224Dec, Przemysław (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)Pozycja Pochodzenie i natura starotestamentalnego kultu MolochaPiwowar, Andrzej (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)The article is dedicated to the Old Testament cult of Moloch. The author concentrated on two principle problems of the researched issue, these are the origin and nature of this cult. The most important attempts to interpret the Biblical Moloch were presented in a critical way: the classical, Rabbinic, the relationship of sacrifice existing between the law concerning the first born and the cult of Moloch, and next the views of contemporary researchers concerning Moloch and his cult: Eissfeldt, Weinfeld and an attempt to grasp Moloch as a chthonic deity. After analyzing the results of the above mentioned research, it ought to be stated that today we are not able to in an unequivocal way reply to the question about the origin and nature of the Biblical Moloch, because we have too little data, Biblical as well as extra-Biblical (archeological and literature) which would allow us to give a certain and univocal reply. The Biblical Moloch continues to be a mystery for contemporary Biblists and the history of religion.Pozycja Instytucja monarchii w Izraelu według Iz 10,33-11,8 i Mi 5,1-4aKluczyński, Andrzej (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)The paper contains the analysis of two Old Testament predictions of the future, righteous king. The authorship of the Isa 10:33-11:8 can be attributed to the prophet Isaiah and of Mic 5:1-4a to the prophet Micah. Both texts were created in the similar period – in the time of Assyrian supremacy and the crisis of Judean monarchy. Those two texts are the only signs of the hope for the coming of the righteous monarch in pre-exilic times. The statements about the good king served as a critique of the ruling Davidic dynasty. The predicted king should represent a David-like type, what shows, that there was a strong Davidic tradition in Judah in the second half of the 8th century B.C. The oracles predict also misfortune and judgment and thus place themselves among other prophetic oracles predicting punishment to Israel.Pozycja Początki monarchii hebrajskiejMünnich, Maciej (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2009)The Biblical tradition devoted to the beginnings of the Hebrew monarchy consists of no less than three stories. The first, anti-monarchical story (1 Sam 8; 1 Sam 10:17-27; 1 Sam 12), has surely no historical value, as written many centuries after the Saul’s reign, and full of later theocratic theological concepts. The second, promonarchical story (1 Sam 9:1–10:7.9-12; 1 Sam 13:2–14:46) appears to be very old, however its propaganda character is clear. It severely limits the credibility of the text. The third story about Saul fighting against Ammonites (1 Sam 11) seems to describe the real events, and its credibility can not be denied. On that basis it is possible to conclude that the minimalists’ thesis excluding the existence of Saul’s monarchy, as well as the traditionalists’ thesis fully accepting the historicity of the Biblical traditions, should be rejected.