Roczniki Teologii Fundamentalnej i Religiologii

Stały URI zbioruhttps://theo-logos.pl/handle/123456789/9911

Roczniki Teologii Fundamentalnej i Religiologii były kontynuacją „Roczników Teologicznych” zeszyt 9: Teologia fundamentalna i religiologia. Wydawane były przez Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, a opiekę naukową nad nimi sprawowali pracownicy Instytutu Teologii Fundamentalnej KUL. Ukazywały się w latach 2009-2013. Obecnie ponownie stanowią zeszyt 9 „Roczników Teologicznych”. Publikowane są w nich artykuły z zakresu teologii fundamentalnej (chrystologii i eklezjologii) oraz religiologii, obejmującej religioznawstwo, filozofię religii oraz teologię religii.

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Kościoły afrykańskiej diaspory chrześcijańskiej w Europie – egzystencja na marginesie czy (re)chrystianizacja Europy?
Grodź, Stanisław (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2012)
Many Europeans are convinced that Christianity has entered its terminal phase of existence, “accomplished its mission” and unavoidably undergoes a process of withering away. Meanwhile, Christianity develops robustly in Africa and in the framework of migratory movement from the South to the North (according to Jehu Hanciles this movement has also a clear religious dimension) African Christians arrive in Europe, also those who consider themselves not so much as migrants but Christian missionaries. Religious organizations of the African diaspora in Europe drew researchers’ attention already in the 1980s. Opinions concerning the influence of these organizations on the Christians in Europe are divided. Some researchers think the influence is negligible because African Christian groups are unable to attract non-Africans to their activities and spirituality, and because of this they are meant to lead a marginal existence on the European Christian scene. Others point to the examples of the efficacy of the African Christians in reviving Christian communities outside African diaspora and to their missionary activity. An answer to the leading question will be presented in the light of the current state of research on the problem.
„Przyjmij twój sukces!”. Atrakcyjność neopentekostalnego wymiaru chrześcijaństwa w Ghanie
Grodź, Stanisław (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2010)
It is a fact that Neopentecostal version of Christianity, i.e. the so-called third wave of Pentecostal revival developing form the 1970s, receives quite a lot of attention in Ghana (and not only there). To a large extent, its attractiveness is due to such treatment of indigenous key worries of the Ghanaians (health and prosperity) that many perceive as Christian. The article presents an outline of the religious context of contemporary Ghana in which the indigenous worldview has been creatively remodelled in interaction with Christianity. The Neopentecostal version of this reformulation receives the main attention in the article. Examples are drawn from the teachings and practice of two oldest Ghanaian Neopentecostal groups – Christian Action Faith Ministries International led by Nicholas Duncan-Williams and International Central Gospel Church led by Mensa Otabil. The article also examines the problem of the effects of Neopentecostal teaching concentrated on the prosperity gospel. Though full effects are still to be seen and assessed the author tends to agree with those who, at present, see that the prosperity gospel leads quite a lot of Ghanaian Christians (many in an unconscious way) into a form of escapism (a flee from real problems into a world of dreams, expectations and faith).
Terminy „magia” i „czarownictwo” w świetle badań etnologicznych i religioznawczych
Zimoń, Henryk (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2011)
The subject of the article is a terminological reflection on the definition and interpretation of magic and witchcraft in the light of research by anthropologists and scholars of religion from the second half of the XIX c. to contemporary times. The views of evolutionists E. B. Tylor and J. G. Frazer, sociologists E. Durkheim, H. Hubert and M. Mauss, social anthropologist B. K. Malinowski, philosopher E. Cassirer and structuralist C. Lévi-Strauss are discussed. The principle criterion differentiating religion from magic is man referring to supernatural powers and beings. Practicing magic is socially approved of and has as its goal the good of an individual or social group. In the life of nonliterate peoples, religion and magic are united and that is why we speak of the religious-magical character of their beliefs, rituals and behaviour. Contemporary anthropologists and scholars of religion treat magic and religion as a field complementary and closely related with each other in the cultures of nonliterate peoples. Magic must be differentiated from witchcraft, whose goal is to conjure evil upon a person or community. E. E. Evans-Pritchard identified among the Azande people (southern Sudan) two types of wizardry: acquired sorcery which meant that the sorcerer consciously uses mixtures, spells and rites attempting to conjure evil and inborn witchcraft in which the witch based upon inherited psychic power unconsciously injures others by sending or activating a certain substance. This division is not universally applied in Africa, since inborn witchcraft appears much more rarely among African peoples than acquired sorcery. Faith in charms fulfils a cognitive, psychological, social, political and legal role. At the dawn of modern transformations in Africa, witchcraft is linked with jealousy, hidden aggression, social and economic inequality and the desire for power. On the one hand, Africanists stress the increase in witchcraft practices and a return to anti-witchcraft movements, and on the other hand, they draw attention to the fact that modernization and secularization related with it slowly contribute to lessening searching for explanations of misfortunes, illness and death in witchcraft beliefs.
Wróżbiarskie rytuały małego pogrzebu wtórnego u ludu Konkomba z Północnej Ghany
Zimoń, Henryk (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2012)
This article describes and interprets two divination rituals of the so-called small secondary funeral in the village of Kutuln. These relate to a bad death, which occurs when people die prematurely or inappropriately. Africans feel fear toward the dead who in life were bad people and those who died a bad death. The concept of a bad death for Africans presents their approach to life, the time of death and the moral evaluation of dead people, as a premature or unusual death is not accidental. A bad death explains the course of human life and has an impact on the burial of the deceased and his fate in the afterlife. Africans believe that those who die a bad death, do not leave the sphere of human life and do not pass into the land of their ancestors. People who die a bad death are deprived of a normal burial and extensive secondary funeral, and the living will never respect them and called upon them through prayers and sacrifices. Small secondary funerals among the Konkomba are limited to the divining rites, which last one day. The course of divination is similar in small and large secondary funerals. The initial phase of divination using 10 cowrie shells is decisive and important. During the long speech, Bingo, the main diviner or the master reveals and explains the causes of the bad death and propose preventive measures designed to remove ritual impurity and the propitiation of supernatural beings. The cause of death of the woman Mafimbi were quarrels and disagreements with her husband in the village of Bwana, caused by her lover Nbale. She would have happily married him, but her father did not agree to it. Her lover Nbale persuaded Mafimbi not to eat or drink in the home of her husband. The second case concerns the death of a nameless girl who died on the day of her birth because of quarreling parents: her father Bindifrim and her mother Ndodebu living in the village of Jinjinabi. Noteworthy is the attitude of dependence on help, during the divining rites, of the god Uwumbor, spirits of the Earth, clan protective spirits, gnome bush spirits, twin spirits, ancestor spirits, and especially spirits of dead diviners. Help from these supernatural beings is essential during the rites of divination, in order to properly explain the circumstances and causes of death of deceased persons. Divination by using three sticks as complementary only confirms the previously given causes of death. It should be noted that during these divining rites, small and large secondary funerals also have a didactic and moralistic dimension, because they teach people respect for tradition, preservation of social norms and moral order in the life of the individual and community.
Wtórny pogrzeb u plemienia Bimonkpom ludu Konkomba z Ghany
Zimoń, Henryk (Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL, 2009)
The Konkomba, like other African peoples, do period finishes with the secondary funeral, which lasts five to seven days. In a very expansive village of Sambul, including as many as 10 lineages and comprising about 95 homesteads, the secondary funeral took place simultaneously in eight lineages. The paper presents and analyses the secondary funeral in the lineage of Mpwando, where the author took part. This funeral lasted six days and was held between 26 April and 1 May, 1991. Comparing this secondary funeral of the Bimonkpom tribe in the village of Sambul with three secondary funerals of the Bichabob tribe in the villages of Nalongni, Sobib and Kumawateek, both similarities and certain differences can be observed in a number of customs and rites. Because of a large number of deceased people only in Sambul, divination rites were held on the second and third days. However, as a custom, divination on the third day in Sambul was more important, which confirms the significance of this day for divination among the Konkomba. A complete novelty in Sambul was visiting the market place by widows and accompanying persons in the evening of the third day. In the village of Sambul the widows did not visit the farm in the bush belonging to the oldest man or other older men, which is done in the tribes of Bichabob and Nakpantiib. In the tribes of Bimonkpom, Binalob and Bigbem, the widows visit the farm of the oldest man a few days after the burial. Shooting at a pole and a rooster in Sambul closes exceptionally the secondary funeral. Among the Bichabob the presentation and division of personal belongings of the deceased old men always ends the secondary funeral. The costly celebration of the secondary funeral, which requires a substantial financial spending on food and beer, is held in each lineage of Sambul every few years in remembrance of all who died since the last secondary funeral. It is only after the secondary funeral that a dead old man (or an old woman) can attain the dignity of an ancestor and his property (land, wives, sacred objects and power) is inherited and taken over via the mediation of the oldest member of the lineage by the dead person’s relatives who are his lineal descendants, that is brothers and sons, according to the principle of primogeniture. The secondary funeral finishes the transitory period of uncertainty, opens the way for the dead to the ancestors’ realm and confirms that older men and women have achieved the dignity of ancestors. From that time on, the Konkomba recall the deceased men and women together with other ancestors in the rituals that have home, lineage, clan and supraclan character performed in different life situations. In an attitude of respect and trust, they try – through their prayers and offerings – to gain the support and favour of the ancestors, who – as mediators between god Uwumbor and the living – take an active part in the life of the community and influence the fate of the living. The performance of different rites and symbolical activities of the secondary funeral emphasizes that the dead and the community change their roles and functions. The dead person is transformed from somebody who threatens the community to its guardian as a member of the invisible community of the dead. The secondary funeral ultimately finishes the mourning period after the dead, it confirms triumph of the community over death, emphasizes the value of life and leads the community through the hard crisis caused by the death of its members. Besides, the secondary funeral integrates the ethnic groups, helps the living people to accept the new status, and introduces them into the normal relations with the relatives and other people.not consider the fact of death as immediate and final nor the dead person as either living or finally dead. Among the Konkomba, this transitory period between burial and secondary funeral lasts three or four years. The transitory period finishes with the secondary funeral, which lasts five to seven days. In a very expansive village of Sambul, including as many as 10 lineages and comprising about 95 homesteads, the secondary funeral took place simultaneously in eight lineages. The paper presents and analyses the secondary funeral in the lineage of Mpwando, where the author took part. This funeral lasted six days and was held between 26 April and 1 May, 1991. Comparing this secondary funeral of the Bimonkpom tribe in the village of Sambul with three secondary funerals of the Bichabob tribe in the villages of Nalongni, Sobib and Kumawateek, both similarities and certain differences can be observed in a number of customs and rites. Because of a large number of deceased people only in Sambul, divination rites were held on the second and third days. However, as a custom, divination on the third day in Sambul was more important, which confirms the significance of this day for divination among the Konkomba. A complete novelty in Sambul was visiting the market place by widows and accompanying persons in the evening of the third day. In the village of Sambul the widows did not visit the farm in the bush belonging to the oldest man or other older men, which is done in the tribes of Bichabob and Nakpantiib. In the tribes of Bimonkpom, Binalob and Bigbem, the widows visit the farm of the oldest man a few days after the burial. Shooting at a pole and a rooster in Sambul closes exceptionally the secondary funeral. Among the Bichabob the presentation and division of personal belongings of the deceased old men always ends the secondary funeral. The costly celebration of the secondary funeral, which requires a substantial financial spending on food and beer, is held in each lineage of Sambul every few years in remembrance of all who died since the last secondary funeral. It is only after the secondary funeral that a dead old man (or an old woman) can attain the dignity of an ancestor and his property (land, wives, sacred objects and power) is inherited and taken over via the mediation of the oldest member of the lineage by the dead person’s relatives who are his lineal descendants, that is brothers and sons, according to the principle of primogeniture. The secondary funeral finishes the transitory period of uncertainty, opens the way for the dead to the ancestors’ realm and confirms that older men and women have achieved the dignity of ancestors. From that time on, the Konkomba recall the deceased men and women together with other ancestors in the rituals that have home, lineage, clan and supraclan character performed in different life situations. In an attitude of respect and trust, they try – through their prayers and offerings – to gain the support and favour of the ancestors, who – as mediators between god Uwumbor and the living – take an active part in the life of the community and influence the fate of the living. The performance of different rites and symbolical activities of the secondary funeral emphasizes that the dead and the community change their roles and functions. The dead person is transformed from somebody who threatens the community to its guardian as a member of the invisible community of the dead. The secondary funeral ultimately finishes the mourning period after the dead, it confirms triumph of the community over death, emphasizes the value of life and leads the community through the hard crisis caused by the death of its members. Besides, the secondary funeral integrates the ethnic groups, helps the living people to accept the new status, and introduces them into the normal relations with the relatives and other people.

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