Scripta Biblica et Orientalia, 2011, T. 3

Stały URI dla kolekcjihttps://theo-logos.pl/handle/123456789/7002

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Znaczenie i obchody Święta Namiotów w starożytnym Izraelu
Wróbel, Mirosław (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
In the present article there is the description of the Feast of the Tabernacles (hebr. Sukkot) in its development since the ancient time until presence. In the first period it was the feast with agricultural elements (Ex 34:22) celebrated in the week at the end of the harvest (Lev 23:39; Deut 16:13). After the Babylonian exile it was celebrated 7 days and it started at 15 day of seventh month Tiszri. In this article the Feast of the Tabernacles is described in the light of biblical (Old and New Testament), apocryphal, Qumran and rabbinical sources. The author pays special attention for rituals and prayers connected with this feast (lulav, procession, drawing of the water, libation of wine, prayers of Psalm 118). In this way many of the biblical texts about the Feast of the Tabernacles are described in their historical context. The analysis of these texts enables to see the meaning of the Feast of the Tabernacles for Jewish and Christian tradition.
Chronologia panowania Lugalzagesiego z Uruk na tle historii południowej Babilonii w Okresie Wczesnodynastycznym
Wójtowicz, Marta (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
Lugalzagesi, king of Uruk and ruler of Umma, is one of the best known figures in the Early Dynastic history, famous for his ultimate defeat by the Sargon of Akkade. Sources related to Lugalzagesi allow to reconstruct relatively detailed account of his reign, but some major chronological questions remain unsolved. The paper explores the possible explanations of the sources and their consequences for the relative chronology of the entire southern Babylonia at the end of Early Dynastic period, as the reign of Lugalzagesi was closely related to major of political entities in the region – Uruk, Umma and Lagaš. It appears that some chronological sequences should probably shortened in the light of available evidence, however, it is hardly possible to choose between alternative options without new texts.
Bóg Starego Testamentu drzewem?! Oz 14,[8-]9 jako świadectwo przejścia od kultury kultu drzew i kamieni do odrzucenia bożków w Izraelu
Waszak, Piotr (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
Czy Hiob istniał realnie?
Tronina, Antoni (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
Among the royal correspondence from Tell el-Amarna (XIV cent. BC) there is one letter (EA 256) with the name of Job (Ayyabu), an Egyptian vassal from the town Ashtarti in Transjordan. He has been accused of violating the vassal treaty and transferring to Hittites. Another letter (EA 364) is addressed to Pharaoh by Job himself. There he dismisses false accusations and pledges loyalty towards Egypt. With time the “historical” Job has become a literary character of the Bible and the model of how to bear patiently the adversities of life. Local Arabs remember him up to this day, and his grave, following the tradition, is located precisely in the place mentioned in the correspondence from Tell el-Amarna.
Kulty na et-Tell. Źródła archeologiczne
Skupińska-Løvset, Ilona (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
The paper deals with the archaeological material discovered on et-Tell/Bethsaida and related to the cultic practices. It embraces a high place at the city gate, dated to the IXth – VIIIth centuries BC and a Hellenistic-Roman building placed on the acropolis and previously proposed to be interpreted as a Temple of the Imperial Cult. The depiction on the iconic stela, found lying on the top of the high place, should in the eyes of this author be understood as a visualization of the Aramean weather deity, not the Moon deity as proposed before. As to the Hellenistic – Roman building the present author points to the analogies from Tyre and will see it as a countryside sanctuary. There will be given reasons why the interpretation of this building as a Temple of the Imperial Cult raised by tetrarch Phillip is impossible to accept. Related aspects of the Imperial policy of the Julio-Claudian dynasty, in particular to the period of the reign of Tiberius, will be commented on. The argumentation will lead to the conclusion that the existence on et-Tell of a building identified as a Temple of the Imperial Cult, the cult of Livia-Julia in particular, is highly unlikely.
Zdzisław J. Kapera, Robert Feather, Doyen of the Dead Sea Scrolls. An in depth biography of Józef Tadeusz Milik (1922-2006). Qumranica Mogilanensia 17, Kraków– Mogilany: The Enigma Press 2011, 239 s.
Muchowski, Piotr (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
Recepcja postaci Jana Chrzciciela w pismach biblioteki z Nag Hammadi
Nowak, Dominik (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
The research of Hag Hammadi writings in terms of their interest in the figure of John the Baptist leds to the conclusion that it is attributed to him important role, even if it is not mentioned by name and the fact that the letter refers to his person, provide only indirect references. In presenting the person of John the authors of works from Nag Hammadi are based primarily on selected parts of the evangelical tradition, nevertheless, in some cases also they relate to other paragraphs from the Old and the New Testament. It should be noted, however, that these writings, but refer to the historic core, it also make far-reaching transformation of messages about John. Some fragments play an important role in this respect gnostic and gnostic-christian ideas.
Judit M. Blair, De-Demonising the Old Testament (Forschungen zum Alten Testament 37), Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck 2009
Münnich, Maciej (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
Urbanizacja Filistei i Szefeli a procesy akulturacji
Niesiołowski-Spanò, Łukasz (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
The aim of the article is to analyse the settlement pattern of the Philistines in early Iron Age. The Philistine settlement-model, with the domination of large cities, and the net of small dwellings around, was paralleled to the Christaller’s “Central Place Theory”. This type of settlement was compared to the late Bronze Age city-states system in Palestine and early Iron Age Etruria. The above-mentioned analysis allows seeing cities as the main place of cultural exchange between Philistine and Canaanite cultures.
Miasta Lewickie w Zajordanii
Lipiński, Edward (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
The Levitical cities of Transjordan, viz. Golan, Ashtaroth, Ramoth-Gilead, and Mahanaim, as well as Jazer and Heshbon, seem to have been garrison towns of the Kingdom of Israel at the border of the Aramaic kingdom of Damascus and near the capital city of the Ammonites. This view is confirmed by the role of the four Levitical cities on the “Reubenite” territory to the east of the Dead Sea, where they appear as military stations defending the border of the Omride kingdom from incursions of the desert people, and by the distribution of the Levitical cities between the fortresses of 2 Krn 11:6-10, where they seem to form a defence line on the border of the Kingdom of Judah. The Levites appear therefore as members of garrisons keeping watch over border towns, as confirmed bThetymology. There were other fortified places, like Gadara, which are not listed among the Levitical cities, possibly because they were no endangered sites at the frontier. The disappearance of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah obviously influenced the professional role of the Levitical families whose members first became guardians of the Temple and later assumed also other functions in the Temple service.
J 10,1-21 a Świątynia Jerozolimska. Analiza leksemów θύρά, θυρωρὸς i αὐλή
Dec, Przemysław (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
The article/paper presents a new interpretation that differs from previous ones of the Good Shepherd parable (J 10,1-21). The main concept is based on an assumption that part of the terminology is not related to pastoral reality in Palestine in I century current era, but strongly relates to Jerusalem Temple. The analysis of these lexemes as: θύρά (as שער), θυρωρὸς (as שוער), and αὐλή (as חצר) proves that the author of J 10,1-21 intended to present of non-Jewish disciples of Jesus as these who should be included in a liturgy of the Temple together with Jews. The key fragments to understand this motif/thought connected to the Jerusalem Temple are verses from J 10, 1-3 and J 10, 16.
Topos Niniwy w Starym Testamencie
Briks, Piotr (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
It is very difficult to make objective judgement of the ancient Israeli’s memory of Nineveh. This capital of the odious and cruel enemy, which plundered and finally completelThenslaved the bigger part of Israel, appears in the biblical text surprisingly rarely (in contrast to Babylon, what is found in the Bible ten times more frequently). When Nineveh is mentioned, it is rather as a symbol or allegory, more seldom as a historical capital of Assyria. Of course, the most primary cause of this phenomenon is a silent voice of those who have most suffered from Assyria, that is the inhabitants of the Northern Kingdom, but the meanders of the Judean memory are not to be omitted. The Judeans sud ered less from Assyria, but also considerably. Nevertheless it seems that with time the memory of injustice faded, whereas the memory of Nineveh’s wealth and superiority stayed (fortified by complexes, what doesn’t exclude contempt).
Wizerunek Jezusa w piśmiennictwie żydowskim – wybór
Boniecka-Stępień, Daria (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
The figure of Jesus interested and occupied Jewish thinkers since ancient times. However, this interest and the relation to the figure of Jesus changed over the centuries. In ancient times, Jewish scholars have devoted very little attention to the creator of the Christian religion. But with the beginning of the modern times approach to Jesus gradually began to change, then he became the object of interest in historical research. The twentieth century already shows Jesus as a figure who inspired writers of Hebrew literature. This article examines how faces of Jesus changed in the meaning of Jewish thinkers and writers. Briefly will be discussed relation to Jesus in the Scriputres of Hazal (Mishnah, Tosefta, Talmud, midrashim), in the post-Talmudic literature, medieval, and modern times, as well as historical works from the turn of the 19th and 20th century and the image of Jesus in modern Hebrew literature.
Czy w starożytnym Izraelu istniała prostytucja sakralna? Qedešah w Starym Testamencie
Slawik, Jakub (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
The author asks a question, if there was a sacred prostitution in Israel in biblical times. This question is related to the word qedešah in the Old Testament. There is no unambiguous extra-biblical evidence for any kind of the temple-prostitution in Mesopotamia and Syro-Palestine: Herodotos, Histories I.199 is a polemical text; sumerian und akkadian texts cannot prove, that any cult functionaries were involved in sexual acts as a part of their ministry (it applies also to a sacred marriage ceremony); the same is to state about ugaritic qdš(t); terracotta "naked women" were probably amulets, which show a protective deity, and they cannot serve as an evidence for a fertility cult. Two deuterocanonical (apocryphal) books mention sexual intercourses in connection with an idolatrous cult or Jerusalem’s temple, but Letter of Jeremiah 42-43 is not an independent source and 2 Maccabees 6(,4) shows a scandal of the inseparability of clean and unclean in the time of the pollution of the temple in Jerusalem. In both texts women are used to characterize gentile’s impiousness. The word קרשח/קרש means in the Old Testament probably a subordinate cult functionary, who was involved in rituals, which were regarded later as non-yahvistic. The only three Old Testament texts, in which fem. קרשח (gender indicated) is used, put together קרשח and a prostitute: Hos. 4,(11-)14 apply the word prostitute (verbal und nominal) metaphorically for the disloyalty to JHWH; Deut. 23,18-19 is unclear and it is improbable, that both verses (18 and 19) tale about the same class of people; Gen. 38(,21-22) seems to identify קרשח with the prostitute (Tamar), but in no cultic or temple context. No one of the Old Testament texts can prove, that קרשח was a temple-prostitute. A sacred prostitution in biblical time’s Israel and in Israel’s environment turns out to be very questionable and cannot serve as an explanation’s key of the Old Testament texts right off the bat.
Sprawozdanie z konferencji „Życie religijne starożytnego Izraela / Palestyny”, Lublin, 27-29 września 2011
Münnich, Maciej (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
Qumran: miasto esseńczyków
Muchowski, Piotr (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
The article is devoted to the issue of a function of the Qumran settlement and its connection with the scrolls that were discovered in the caves. It attempts to answer the question whether, in the light of current archeological and literary knowledge, the hypothesis that Qumran was the settlement of the Essenes where the scrolls were written and copied, can be sustained. It re-examines the most relevant data. Apart from other things, it relates to theses on the stratification of the settlement put forward by J.-B. Humbert and J. Magness. Consequently, it confirms that the Qumran-hypothesis of R. de Vaux is still valid, however, in some aspects it should be corrected. In the conclusion, the author emphasizes the importance of some theses proposed by Humbert. He underlines that although the scrolls undoubtedly belonged to the Essenes their Jerusalem origin seems more probable than Qumran.
Afrodyta w Akko-Ptolemais
Lipiński, Edward (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
The cult of Aphrodite is attested at Acre-Ptolemais in Roman times, but it goes probably back to the Hellenistic period. Acre was a city of ancient Phoenicia, depending from Tyre. It did not belong to Israel in Antiquity, when it was the best seaport of Canaan. Besides, it was located on an important coastal road from Egypt to Syria, Anatolia, and Mesopotamia. The city was renamed Ptolemais by Ptolemy II and this name was in use until the 7th century A.D. Ptolemais had a most stirring and tragic history, becoming a royal see under the Seleucids, who probably introduced the cult of Aphrodite, identified with Astarte. She was a patroness of the town, as shown not only by local coins with the effigy of the goddess, but also by her statue decorating the thermae of Acre. They were frequented by Roman veterans, whose colony was established at Ptolemais by Claudius and Nero, but even by Jews, among them rabbis like Gamaliel II, the head of the Yabneh council from ca. 80 to ca. 105 A.D. The statue of the naked goddess, recognizable on the coins, belonged to the iconographic type of the so-called “Venus of the Medici” at Florence, like the statue found at Tell al-Qadp i (Tel Dan). The location of her sanctuary at Acre is uncertain, but it might have been Tell Fuhhar (Tel Akko) or a site in the latter’s vicinity, where remains of a Hellenistic shrine have been discovered.
Hebrajski Szeol na tle wyobrażeń eschatologicznych sąsiednich kultur
Lemański, Janusz (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
Kontrowersje wokół książki „Hellenizm a judaizm” Tadeusza Zielińskiego. Polemiki chrześcijańskie
Gillmeister, Andrzej (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
The article concerns Tadeusz Zielinski’s, Hellenism and Judaism – 3rd parts of the series Religions of the Ancient World – published in Polish in 1927. In his work Zielinski compares antique Judaism with Hellenism. The conclusion of this comparison turns to be negative in the case of Judaism and supports Zielinski’s thesis, expressed in his various works, about psychological continuity between religion of ancient Greece and Christianity. The thesis was met with a negative reaction from the Christian and Jewish circles. The article presents the academic polemics written from the point of view of the Catholic Church. The analysis was made in reference to the articles and books of the following scholars: Szczepan Szydelski, Józef Archutowski and Józef Teodorowicz.
Wpływ imperialnej Asyrii na religię Judy
Długoborski, Sebastian (Wydawnictwo KUL, 2011)
The Deuteronomist’s narrative raises the issue of foreign interference in Judah’s cult during the reigns of Ahaz and Manasses. Of Ahaz it is said that he was the first king of Judah who “made his son pass through fire” (2 Kgs 16,3). Moreover, he had an altar built in Jerusalem after “the fashion of the altar that was in Damascus” (16,10-16). Manasseh’s many activities in the cultic sphere included introducing the worship of the host of heaven and the setting up of “the graven image of asherah which he had made in the house of the Lord” (21,7). Accepted teaching in most histories and textbooks of ancient Israel took these introductions for elements of the Assyrian state religion. In addition, many scholars have suggested that they were imposed on Judah by Assyria. The author of this paper believes that there is no evidence of Assyrian imposition upon or interference with Judah’s cult. The foreign innovations reported of the reigns of Ahaz and Manasseh should be rather seen as the voluntary adoption by Judah’s ruling class of the prevailing Assyro-Aramaean culture.

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